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Title: Journal of Jasper Danckaerts, 1679-1680

Author: Jasper Danckaerts

Editor: Bartlett Burleigh James and J. Franklin Jameson

Release Date: October 30, 2007  [eBook #23258]

Language: English


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      Inconsistent spellings of proper names and non-English
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      Obvious printer errors have been corrected.

Original Narratives
of Early American History



Edited by


of the Maryland Historical Society



Director of the Department of Historical Research in the Carnegie
Institutions of Washington

With a Facsimile and Two Maps

Charles Scribner's Sons
New York

Copyright, 1913, by
Charles Scribner's Sons


From the original drawing by Jasper Danckaerts in the possession of
the Long Island Historical Society]





NOTE A                                                              ix

INTRODUCTION                                                      xiii

NOTE B                                                             xxv

VOYAGE TO NEW NETHERLAND                                             3
  Preparations for the Voyage                                        3
  Delays in Starting                                                 5
  On the Way to Texel; a Narrow Escape                               8
  On Board the _Charles_                                            10
  They set Sail and run Aground                                     13
  Description of Texel                                              15
  Progress of the Voyage                                            18
  At Falmouth; the Diarist at Church                                25
  A Visit to Pendennis Castle                                       28
  The Market at Penryn                                              30
  Again on Board; a Word about the Cat                              32
  Land is Seen; Sandy Hook                                          33
  Indians come Aboard; Arrival at New York                          35
  Observations upon the Sea and the Voyage                          37
  Comments upon the Passengers and Crew                             39

TRAVELS IN NEW NETHERLAND                                           43
  In New York; Ministers of New Netherland                          43
  Fort Amsterdam is described                                       45
  The First Male born of Europeans in New Netherland                47
  A Visit to Long Island; through Brooklyn                          50
  At Gowanus; the Najack Indians                                    53
  With Jacques Cortelyou at New Utrecht                             57
  Danckaerts makes a Sketch                                         58
  A Visit with Jan Theunissen at Flatlands                          60
  Through Flatbush, Brooklyn, and Back in New York                  62
  Manhattan Island Explored; Broadway; the Bowery; New Harlem       64
  The Labadists make some Calls; Danckaerts acts the Barber         67
  On Staten Island                                                  69
  At Oude Dorp and Nieuwe Dorp                                      72
  Some Plantations on the Island                                    74
  A Visit from Jasper, the Indian                                   76
  The Travellers meet Ephraim Herrman                               80
  In Communipaw and Bergen                                          82
  Further Experiences                                               86
  Preparations for the Journey Southward; the Duke's Laws           89

JOURNEY TO THE SOUTHWARD                                            93
  The Stop at Woodbridge                                            93
  At Piscataway; the Falls of the Delaware                          94
  Matinnaconk Island and Burlington                                 97
  Tacony; Tinicum Island described                                 100
  The Suit of Madame de la Grange against Madame Papegoia          101
  A Visit from Some Quakers                                        104
  The Episode of Anna Salters                                      105
  The Journey Continued                                            107
  At Fort Christina; the Stay in Newcastle                         109
  Indented Servants                                                111
  St. Augustine's Manor                                            112
  Entry into Maryland; Bohemia Manor; Augustine Herrman's Map      114
  Plantations visited                                              116
  The Journey to Virginia abandoned; Other Visits                  120
  The Travellers lose their Way                                    124
  They stop with Mr. Frisby; Wild Geese                            126
  Transportation of Goods to and from Maryland                     128
  More Plantations visited                                         129
  Again in Newcastle                                               131
  The Grant of Maryland                                            132
  The Tobacco Industry                                             133
  Life in Maryland                                                 135
  The Attack on the Hoere Kill                                     136
  Religion in Maryland                                             137
  The Labadists hear Domine Tesschenmaker; Christina Kill          138
  Property Arrangements of Augustine Herrman                       141
  Preparations for the Return to New Netherland                    142
  Description of Newcastle                                         143
  Mr. Moll and his Wife                                            144
  Some Account of the Herrmans; Peter Alrichs                      145
  At Upland                                                        147
  At Wicacoa and Burlington                                        148
  On the Island of Peter Alrichs                                   149
  The Delaware River described                                     150
  The Settlement at Hoere Kill; New Sweden                         152
  East New Jersey and West New Jersey established                  154
  The Journey to Millstone Creek; Difficulties in crossing         156
  A Visit with Some Indians                                        159
  A Night with Cornelis van Langevelt near Nassau                  160
  Millstone Creek described                                        161
  At Amboy; the Frenchman Le Chaudronnier                          162
  Governor Carteret and the Settlement of Piscataway
    and Woodbridge                                                 164
  End of the Journey to the Southward                              165

IN NEW YORK                                                        166
  Visits to Governor Andros and Mayor Rombouts                     167
  Danckaerts follows Sluyter to Najack                             169
  Translations made by Danckaerts                                  170
  The Party for Aquackanonck                                       171
  Milford; Sandford; Captain Berry's Plantation                    173
  Conversation with Hans, the Indian                               174
  Aquackanonck is reached                                          175
  Another Night with the Indians                                   177
  At Gowanus; the _Canticoy_ of the Indians                        179
  Affairs at Esopus; Small Pox among the Indians                   181
  Proclamation of Governor Andros; the Start for Nevesink          182
  Trip to Nevesink abandoned                                       184
  Another Call on the Governor                                     185
  The Travellers dispose of their Stock                            186
  The Governor grants Permission to go to Albany                   187
  The Trials and Conversion of Theunis Idenszen                    190
  The Journey to Albany is begun                                   196
  The Kaaterskill Falls; Arrival at Albany                         198
  The Falls at Cohoes                                              199
  Sluyter becomes ill; Visit to Schenectady                        201
  The Story of Aletta, the Indian                                  201
  The Story of Wouter, Aletta's Nephew                             205
  Interview with Aletta and Wouter                                 210
  Wouter goes with the Labadists                                   211
  Schenectady is described                                         213
  A Visit with Madame van Rensselaer at Rensselaerswyck            214
  A Visit to Fort Orange; Albany described                         216
  The Child of Luxury                                              217
  At Claverack; Danckaerts sketches the Catskills                  219
  At Esopus                                                        220
  Back in New York; Preparations for Boston                        222
  A Visit to Theunis Idenszen                                      223
  North River and the Country through which it flows               224
  On the Way to Long Island; Visit from Domine van Zuuren          228
  In Najack; More about Theunis                                    229
  Another Meeting with the Governor                                230
  The Experiences of Marie Renard                                  231
  Visit with Ephraim Herrman                                       233
  Further Arrangements for the Boston Trip; Ascension Day          234
  A Trip to Walebocht                                              235
  The Boston Trip again postponed; Some Visitors                   237
  Leave is taken of Governor Andros                                238
  Military Tactics; Relations between Andros and Carteret          239
  Trade with Barbados                                              244
  Trade Observations                                               246
  Conduct of Governor Andros                                       248
  The Labadists take leave of their Friends                        250

VOYAGE FROM NEW NETHERLAND                                         252
  The Start for Boston                                             252
  Martha's Vineyard; a Narrow Escape                               253
  Boston is reached                                                255
  Description of East River                                        256
  Elizabeth Islands; the Sow and Pigs; Cape Cod                    258
  A Call on Governor Bradstreet                                    259
  No Word of Wouter; Passage engaged for London                    260
  John Eliot and the Indian Bible                                  263
  A Visit to Cambridge; Harvard College                            266
  In Charlestown                                                   268
  Suspicions concerning the Travellers                             269
  A Second Visit to John Eliot at Roxbury                          270
  A Sham-fight in Boston                                           271
  Beginning of the Voyage Home                                     272
  The Diarist's Account of New England                             273
  His Description of Boston                                        275
  Progress of the Voyage                                           276
  A Reward for the First Sight of Land                             278
  The Orkney Islands are sighted                                   280
  Fear of the Turks                                                281
  On the Dogger Bank                                               284
  Anchor at Yarmouth                                               286
  The Landing at London; Whitehall; St. James's Park               288
  The Duke of Monmouth is seen; London Tower                       289
  Witchcraft in Boston; at Church in London                        290
  A Glimpse of the Duke of York and Prince Karl                    291
  At Gravesend; the River of Chatham                               292
  At Harwich; Dispute with the Skipper                             293
  At Rotterdam, Delft, and the Hague                               295
  In Amsterdam; a Bible is bought for Ephraim Herrman              296
  The End of the Journey                                           297

INDEX                                                              299


NEW YORK FROM BROOKLYN HEIGHTS, 1679. From the original drawing
by Jasper Danckaerts in the possession of the Long Island
Historical Society                                       _Frontispiece_


1673. From Mr. P.L. Phillips's facsimile                            98

"NIEUWE WEERELD," 1671. From a copy in the New York
Public Library                                                     160


The present translation is substantially that of Mr. Henry C. Murphy,
as presented in his edition of 1867 (see the Introduction, _post_).
Mr. Murphy was an excellent Dutch scholar. Careful comparisons have
been made, at various points, between his translation and the original
manuscript, of which the Long Island Historical Society, its present
possessor, kindly permitted an examination to be made. These
comparisons, made partly by the general editor of the series and
partly by Mr. S. G. Nissensen of New York (to whom cordial thanks are
rendered), showed that Mr. Murphy's translation was in the main
excellent. Some revision and correction of it has been effected by Mr.
Nissensen and by the general editor. In particular the spelling of the
proper names has been brought into accord with that of the original
manuscript, except that certain familiar names, after being once given
in the original spelling, have thereafter been put into their modern

Danckaerts's descriptions of his Atlantic voyages to America and back,
especially the former, are excessively long, and at times tedious. It
has been found possible to omit some portions of these without
impairing the interest or value of the narrative or excluding any
useful information.

Of the three illustrations, the frontispiece is a photographic
reproduction of one of Danckaerts's pen-and-ink sketches accompanying
the diary. It has never before been photographically reproduced,
though lithographed in Mr. Murphy's book. It represents New York from
the southeast, as seen in 1680 from Brooklyn Heights, and is obviously
of great interest, being topographically accurate, and drawn with no
slight degree of skill. Thanks are due to the Long Island Historical
Society for permission to reproduce it, and to the society's
secretary, Miss Emma J. Toedteberg.

That portion of the journal which relates to the Delaware River and
northeastern Maryland is illustrated by a photographic reproduction
of the northeast corner of the celebrated map of Maryland which
Augustine Herrman made for Lord Baltimore, and which was published in
1673 (see _infra_, p. 114 and p. 297, note 2). The portion reproduced
extends from the falls of the Delaware as far down the eastern shore
of Chesapeake Bay as our travellers went. It is photographed from the
photolithographic copy made from the unique original in the British
Museum by Mr. P. Lee Phillips, and published by him in 1912, but is
reduced to dimensions about two-thirds of those of the original.

To illustrate the North River journey of the diarist, and the other
parts of his narrative centring around New York, a section is
presented of the map of 1671 entitled "Novi Belgii, quod nunc Novi
Jorck vocatur, Novaeque Angliae et Partis Virginiae Accuratissima et
Novissima Delineatio" (Most Accurate and Newest Delineation of New
Belgium, now called New York, of New England, and of Part of
Virginia). This map appeared both in Montanus's _Nieuwe en Onbekende
Weereld_ (Amsterdam, 1671) and in Ogilby's _America_ (London, 1671).
It is N.J. Visscher's map of 1655 or 1656 (for which see the volume in
this series entitled _Narratives of Early Pennsylvania_, etc.,
introductory note, and map opposite p. 170), with slight alterations
made in order to adapt it more closely to the date 1671.

For the names of the two Labadist agents, Mr. Murphy adopted the forms
Dankers and Sluyter. These he apparently took from references to them
by others, for the journal, except once in the case of Sluyter, gives
only the assumed names, Schilders and Vorstman, by which alone they
were at first known in America. Domine Selyns of New York, in his
letter to Willem à Brakel,[1] gives their true names. For the proper
spelling of the diarist's name, it should seem that we should rely on
his own signature to his note prefixed to his copy of Eliot's Indian
Old Testament.[2] There the spelling is Danckaerts, and such is the
form used by the family, still or till lately extant in Zeeland. But
the form Dankers occurs often in contemporary references.

[Footnote 1: Murphy, _Anthology of New Netherland_, p. 95.]

[Footnote 2: See _infra_, p. 264, note 2.]

The case of his companion presents no difficulty. The register of
students at the University of Leyden, _Album Studiosorum Academiae
Lugduno-Batavae_ (Hague, 1875), gives, under date of 1666, "Petrus
Sluyter Vesaliensis, 21, T," _i.e._, Peter Sluyter of Wesel, 21 years
old, student of theology, which no doubt is our traveller, known to
have studied theology and, from Labadist sources relating to Herford,
to have come originally from Wesel. Our traveller's will, dated
January 20, 1722, the original of which is preserved in the court
house of Cecil County at Elkton, Maryland, is signed in autograph,
"Petrus Sluyter alias Vorsman," and it seems that this must be
regarded as authoritative. The Maryland family descended from the
Labadist leader's brother used the same spelling. Schluter is found in
some contemporary sources, Schluyter and Sluter in others,[3] while on
the title-page of a book translated by our traveller from French into
Dutch, and printed at Herford in 1672,[4] presumably under his eye,
the spelling is Sluiter. But his signature should be conclusive.

[Footnote 3: _a._ Paul Hackenberg's letter, see p. 291, note 2,
_post_; Willem à Brakel, _Trouwhertige Waerschouwinge_ (Leeuwarden,
1683), p. 63; _Album Acad. Lugd.-Bat._, 1650, "Henricus Schluterus,"
the brother. _b._ Brakel in Murphy's _Anthology_, p. 95. _c._ Letter
from Herford in Schotel, _Anna Maria van Schurman_ (Hertogenbosch,
1853), app., p. 40.]

[Footnote 4: _Verklaringe van de Suiverheid des Geloofs en der Leere
van Jean de Labadie._]

The annotations in this volume are by the general editor of the



In the year 1864 Mr. Henry C. Murphy, then corresponding secretary of
the Long Island Historical Society, had the good fortune to find in an
old book-store in Amsterdam a manuscript whose bearings upon the
history of the middle group of American colonies made it, when
translated and made accessible as a publication in the Memoirs of the
Long Island Historical Society,[5] an historical document of much
interest and value. The Journal of two members of the Labadist sect
who came over to this country in order to find a location for the
establishment of a community has served to throw a flood of light upon
what otherwise might have been a lost chapter in the history of
Maryland. For so meagre are the sources of ready availability for a
knowledge of the Labadist colony which was effected in Maryland that
without this account the story of the first communal sect in America
might have failed of adequate recording.

[Footnote 5: Volume I. _Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in
Several of the American Colonies in 1679-80, by Jasper Dankers and
Peter Sluyter of Wiewerd in Friesland_ (Brooklyn, 1867).]

But while the Journal of Jasper Danckaerts and Peter Sluyter, the two
envoys--or of Jasper Danckaerts, who did the actual writing--is of
especial interest in relation to an incident in the early settlement
of Maryland, the gauge of its value may be applied as well in other
directions. This extended narrative, often discursive and
circumstantial, contains much that is suggestive upon the beginnings
of the middle group of states, and, indeed, the narrative bears upon
facts of importance in connection with Massachusetts as well.

The original manuscript of the Labadist narrators is now in the
possession of the Long Island Historical Society. It was bought by the
Society at the Murphy sale in 1884. It is written in a fine, good hand
on paper of about 8-1/2 by 6-1/2 inches. The pages are numbered with
three successive numberings: (A) 1-72, (B) 1-16, 25-192, 217-231, (C)
1-47, the first section corresponding to the voyage to America; the
second, to the travels in the middle colonies; the third, to the
experiences of the journalist and his companion in New England and on
the voyage home. In the second division there is no gap between pages
16 and 25, but after page 192 there is a considerable hiatus. In
narrative, this extends over a few days only, June 13-19, but the
omitted portion probably also contained a description of the city of
New York and the beginning of an account of the Indians. The remaining
pages of this section, pages 216-231, proceed with this account,
treating of the weapons of the Indians, their treaties with the
whites, their intelligence, their burial customs, their virtues and
vices, their knowledge of God and their worship, and finally of the
beaver and his habits. As the journalist could have had no original
contributions to make with regard to the American aborigines, his
observations upon this subject have no especial value, and have been

The manuscript when found was accompanied with six sheets of
pen-and-ink drawings. The text appears to be a carefully transcribed
copy, plainly written in a different handwriting from that of the
drawings. The latter, as the marks upon them show, are the original
sketches made upon the spot. All are reproduced in Mr. Murphy's
edition of the journal. The first shows the figure of an Indian woman
and four fishes, two of them rare and two common. The second drawing
shows the entrance to New York Bay at Sandy Hook as seen from the
house of Jacques Cortelyou at Nayack (Fort Hamilton). The third is a
detailed and exceedingly interesting view of New York as it was in
1679, taken from Brooklyn Heights; it is reproduced in the present
volume. The fourth and fifth give views of New York from the east and
from the north, while the sixth plate presents a map of the Delaware
River from the Falls at the present site of Trenton down to

The manuscript of the narrative reproduced in this volume is
accompanied by a similar manuscript for a second voyage made in 1683,
April 12-July 27, entered upon 16 pages of foolscap, and then copied
upon 48 pages of quarto size, the former in a different and much more
difficult hand than the journal of 1679-1680, the copy in a
handwriting similar to that of the latter. Twelve pages of the 48 are
verses, and the remainder do not carry the traveller beyond the
completion of his voyage. As this second narrative includes nothing
bearing directly upon the experiences of the chronicler after his
arrival upon the shores of the New World, it has not seemed worth
while to translate it and bring it into the present volume. It is much
to be regretted that the continuation was never written, or has not
been preserved, since it would record the actual settlement of the
Labadist community in northeastern Maryland. With the fragment was
found an interesting manuscript map of the Delaware River, which gives
Philadelphia as in existence, and therefore belongs to the period of
the second voyage.

Prior to the discovery of the Journal of Danckaerts it was indeed
traditionally known that a sect of Labadists in the first half of the
seventeenth century had located a colony on the estates of Augustine
Herrman in Maryland. There were fragmentary references to these people
in the early records of the state and in historical manuscripts, with
isolated notices in contemporary writers. Yet this information would
of itself have been too meagre for a critical valuation of the
Labadists in the early history of Maryland. The publication of the
manuscript secured by Mr. Murphy stimulated interest in the subject,
and at various times monographic contributions appeared upon one or
another phase of the Labadist settlement. Notable were those of
General James Grant Wilson, whose paper on "An Old Maryland Manor" was
published by the Maryland Historical Society in 1890, and his paper on
"Augustine Herrman, Bohemian," by the New Jersey Historical Society in
the same year, and of Reverend Charles Payson Mallary, whose monograph
on the _Ancient Families of Bohemia Manor_, a publication of the
Delaware Historical Society in 1888, disclosed the wide genealogical
interest pertaining to the Labadist settlement. Thus there was built
up a body of substantial information with regard to the environment
and the relations of the Labadist colony in the New World. In 1899 was
published, in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and
Political Science, _The Labadist Colony in Maryland_, by the writer of
the present introduction. This monograph was largely based upon fresh
sources obtained from Europe, including contemporary works by Labadie,
his associates and his antagonists, as well as studies of the subject
by Dutch and German scholars. The literature of Labadism in the New
World, which, in a manner, has been an outgrowth from the journal of
the Labadist envoys, is now ample for all serviceable purposes.

The journal of the Labadists, while primarily of value as elucidating
an obscure episode in the religious history of the New World, has
worth as a human narrative bearing upon incidents and personages and
social conditions in New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and
Boston. Thus the student of social, economic, institutional, or
geographical conditions in the early period of the settlements upon
the Atlantic seaboard will find in this journal much of suggestive and
pertinent contribution. Danckaerts viewed his surroundings through the
eyes of a fanatical self-satisfaction. For this reason his criticisms
or strictures upon persons and conditions are to be received with much
discount. But he was an intelligent man, and a keen-eyed and assiduous
note-taker; and the variety and fecundity of his material is not a
little due to the trivial and relatively unimportant details which are
embodied in the narrative.

The two agents came to North America in search of a suitable place to
establish a colony of their sect. Two distinct sets of forces drew
them toward Maryland. One of these was the religious toleration which,
from the beginning, was established in that province. There is no
warrant in the journal for a presumption that this was an inducing
cause for their location within the domain of Lord Baltimore. There is
much, however, in their antecedent history, and the pressure of
persecution to which the Labadists were subjected, to make it
exceedingly probable that this policy in the government of Maryland
formed a circumstance in the selection that was made. The journalists,
who travelled under pseudonyms for the express purpose of keeping
their mission secret, might have established their colony in New York
had it not been under the rule of Governor Andros, a Catholic, and
therefore a subject of particular antipathy to the Labadists.

But the practical weave of circumstance that tended to attract the
Labadists to Maryland centred in the fact that, as stated in their
narrative, they met in New York one Ephraim Herrman, a young trader
from Maryland and Delaware, then recently married. This was the son of
Augustine Herrman, "first founder and seater of Bohemia Manor."
Augustine Herrman was a Bohemian adventurer, born in Prague, who,
after a career of much vicissitude, made his way to New Netherland. He
became a force at New Amsterdam, and was an original member of the
council of nine men instituted by Governor Stuyvesant in 1647. His
connection with Maryland matters dates from his appointment by
Governor Stuyvesant as a special commissioner, along with Resolved
Waldron, to negotiate with Governor Fendall of Maryland concerning the
eastern boundary of Lord Baltimore's province.[6] This mission
effected, Herrman entered into negotiations with Lord Baltimore for
the drafting of a map of Maryland and Virginia, which would be
valuable to his lordship in bringing to a settlement the boundary
dispute pending between the two colonies, and in other ways.[7] In
this manner Herrman became invested with not less than 24,000 acres of
the most desirable lands of what is now Cecil County, Maryland, and
Newcastle County, Delaware, which he divided into several tracts under
the names Bohemia Manor, St. Augustine Manor, Little Bohemia, and the
Three Bohemia Sisters. It is of interest to note that among the acts
passed by the Maryland Assembly is one dated 1666, which provides for
the naturalization of "Augustine Herman of Prague, in the Kingdom of
Bohemia, Ephraim Georgius and Casparus, Sonns to the said Augustine,
Anna Margarita, Judith and Francina, his daughters," this being the
first act of naturalization passed by any of the colonies.[8]

[Footnote 6: Journal of the Dutch Embassy to Maryland, 1659, by
Augustine Herrman, in _Narratives of Early Maryland_, in this series,
pp. 309-333.]

[Footnote 7: A copy of this map is in the British Museum. No other is

[Footnote 8: _Maryland Archives_, II. 144.]

It was upon Bohemia Manor that the Labadists located their colony.
Danckaerts and Sluyter, under the guidance of Ephraim Herrman, made
their way to Delaware and Maryland. Upon meeting them the elder
Herrman was at first so favorably impressed that he consented to deed
to them a considerable tract, in pursuance of his ambition to colonize
and develop his estates. On June 19, 1680, the Labadists, having
accomplished their mission, set sail for Boston, to which fact are due
such interesting recitals as that of their visit to John Eliot, the
so-called apostle to the Indians, and their visit to and description
of Harvard College. On the 23d day of July the Labadists set sail for

In 1683 the two Labadists returned again to Maryland, bringing with
them the nucleus of a colony. In the meanwhile Augustine Herrman had
repented of his bargain, and it was only by recourse to law that the
Labadists compelled him to live up to its terms. The deed he executed,
dated August 11, 1684, was to Peter Sluyter (alias Vorstman), Jasper
Dankers (alias Schilders), of Friesland, Petrus Bayard, of New York,
and John Moll and Arnold de la Grange.[9] The tract conveyed embraced
four necks of land eastwardly from the first creek that empties into
Bohemia River, and extended at the north or northeast to near the old
St. Augustine or Manor Church. It contained 3,750 acres. Those
engaging with Sluyter and Danckaerts in the transaction were all
professed converts to the Labadist faith. It may be noted in passing
that the Petrus Bayard named in the conveyance, and who for some time
was an active member of the Labadist community, was an ancestor of the
late Thomas F. Bayard, ambassador at the Court of St. James.

[Footnote 9: Baltimore County Land Records.]

When fairly settled upon Bohemia Manor, the Labadists undertook
communal modes of life and industry, such as characterized them at the
European centre of the church, which was Wieuwerd, in Friesland. They
cultivated tobacco extensively, and engaged in the culture of corn,
flax, and hemp, and in cattle-raising. Their expressed zeal for the
conversion of the Indians did not take any practical form. At its most
flourishing period the colony did not number as many as a hundred
persons, and in the year 1698 a division of the tract occurred.
Sluyter, who was the active head of the colony, reserved for himself
one of the necks of land and became wealthy. He died in 1722. Some
form of organization had been maintained among the Labadists even
after the division of the land, but five years after the death of
Sluyter the Labadists had ceased to exist as a community. The division
in 1698 which marked the disintegration of the community occurred at
about the same time as a similar division of the estates of the mother
church at Wieuwerd. There the disintegration came about through
consultative action; in Maryland, by the logic of events.

The founder of the system of religion which came to be known as
Labadism, Jean de Labadie, was born in France, at Bourg near Bordeaux,
on February 13, 1610. His father was a French noble and a soldier of
fortune, who rose to be governor of Guienne. His parents entered him
at the Jesuit College, where he completed his novitiate and took the
first vows, and in 1635 he was ordained as a priest. Early
manifestations of an erratic temperament, a mystical habit of mind,
and physical frailty, led to his severance from the Society of Jesus.
He entered upon a preaching mission, and, coming under the attention
of Père Gondran, second general of the Congregation of the Oratory at
Paris, he received a call to that city, and, according to his own
statement, the entire body of the Sorbonne united in the call.

Labadie soon acquired a fame that went beyond the borders of France,
for oratorical ability and theological precision. His former
associates, the Jesuits, originated stories against his morality and
sought to bring him into trouble with the authorities. The attacks to
which he was subjected led him to adopt a broad though wholly
fanatical scheme of reforms for the Church.[10] During the lifetime of
Cardinal Richelieu, who befriended him, he was safe from attack, but
upon the succession of Cardinal Mazarin the Jesuits obtained an order
of the court for his arrest, the execution of which was prevented by
the death of the king. In the year 1645 he was cited to appear at
court along with his friend, the Bishop of Amiens, and was sentenced
to perpetual imprisonment, which sentence was modified on an appeal
made by the assembly of the clergy of France then in session. He was,
however, ordered to renounce his opinions and to refrain from
preaching for a period of years. In one of his treatises he states
that during a second forced retirement he obtained and read a copy of
Calvin's _Institutes_. This had a determining influence upon his after
career.[11] He summed up the result of his solitary reflections in the
words, "This is the last time that Rome shall persecute me in her
communion. Up to the present I have endeavored to help and to heal
her, remaining within her jurisdiction; but now it is full time for me
to denounce her and to testify against her."

[Footnote 10: _Déclaration de la Foi_, pp. 84, 122, 123.]

[Footnote 11: _Traité de la Solitude Chrétienne._]

At Montauban in 1650 Labadie abjured his former faith and was later
ordained a Protestant minister. According to Mollerus[12] the
acquisition of the widely famous preacher was heralded as the greatest
Protestant triumph since the days of Calvin. Banished from France in
1657, Labadie preached for two years at Orange (then independent) and
for seven years at Geneva, whence he was called to the pastorate of
the Walloon Reformed Church in Middelburg, Zeeland. At Middelburg he
became embroiled with the ecclesiastical and civil authorities,
because of controversial writings and because, filled with zeal to
reform the Reformed Church in the Netherlands and to awaken it from
its formalism, he carried his own congregation into positions and
practices manifestly tending toward schism. Driven out of Middelburg,
he established a church at Veere, which he styled the Evangelical. The
States of Zeeland kept the troublesome preacher on the move, and
Labadie journeyed to Amsterdam, where he had an opportunity to
establish a communal society, of which the chief ornament was Anna
Maria van Schurman of Utrecht, famed as the most learned woman of her

[Footnote 12: _Cimbria Litterata_, III. 37.]

[Footnote 13: Her _Eukleria seu Melioris Partis Electio_ (Altona,
1673) is perhaps the chief authority for the history of the Labadists
from this point on.]

The church at Amsterdam grew and prospered, and overtures were
received from many sectaries, including the Society of Friends, all of
which Labadie declined to consider. It may here be remarked that
similar overtures made by representatives of the Society of Friends to
the colony later established in Maryland were likewise unfruitful.
Certain disorders arising, the civil authorities placed such
restrictions upon the church at Amsterdam that another removal became
expedient. At this juncture, in 1670, an invitation was received from
the Princess Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Frederick V., Elector
Palatine and King of Bohemia, and granddaughter of King James I. of
England. Elizabeth[14] was Protestant abbess of Herford in Westphalia,
and placed quarters in that town at the disposal of the Labadists, but
on account of certain religious excesses and the suspicions aroused in
the minds of townspeople and neighbors, the Imperial Diet caused the
Labadists to remove. Some of them tarried for a while at Bremen but
the majority sought refuge immediately at Altona, then under the King
of Denmark, in 1672. At this place, in February, 1674, Labadie died.
His death evoked estimates of his work and worth from high
ecclesiastical sources, and much of this was of a laudatory nature.
The Dutch historians are disposed to regard Labadie's chief work the
leavening of the old lump by the many hundreds of his converts
inspired with his evangelical zeal, who remained in connection with
the Reformed Church.[15]

[Footnote 14: For this princess, see Guhrauer's article in the
_Historisches Taschenbuch_ for 1850, and Miss Elizabeth Godfrey's _A
Sister of Prince Rupert_.]

[Footnote 15: H. van Berkum, _De Labadie en de Labadisten_ (Sneek,
1851), II. 170 _et seq._ The history of the sect can be followed in
Van Berkum, in the first volume of Ritschl's _Geschichte des
Pietismus_ (Bonn, 1880), and in Ypeij and Dermout, _Geschiedenis der
Nederlandsche Hervormde Kerk_ (Breda, 1827), vol. III.]

The next removal of the Labadists was to Wieuwerd in Friesland, the
northernmost of the Dutch provinces, where they were established under
the lead of Pierre Yvon on an estate called Thetinga or Waltha House,
which was tendered to them by three ladies devotedly attached to their
teachings, the three youngest daughters of the great diplomatist
Francis Aarsen, Lord of Sommelsdyk. Here the communal sect attained
its full measure of strength, declined, and died. For more than half a
century Wieuwerd was the seat of the new church and from it feeble
colonies were established at various centres. From Wieuwerd proceeded
the colonists who settled in Maryland, and from Wieuwerd proceeded the
voice of authority that controlled these colonists. The final
disruption of the Labadists at Wieuwerd was due largely to the
inevitable difficulties that have beset and destroyed almost every
experiment in the establishment of an industrial community upon a
footing of religion.

The system of faith and practice which came to fruition at Wieuwerd
and was transplanted to the New World, did not have the catholicity
necessary for adaptation to the conditions of an undeveloped country.
Labadism, theologically, belonged to the school of Calvin; in its
spirit it was in line with the vein of mysticism which is met
throughout the history of the Christian Church. In general respects
the theology of Labadism was that of the Reformed Church of the
Netherlands. Like so many other adventitious but zealous movements,
Labadism centred in its millennial hopes. These, however, were rather
an expression of the spirit of pietism which pervaded the doctrines
of the church than a fundamental positive proposition. Labadism,
theologically, recognized a scheme of covenants extending from Adam to
Christ. The symbols of the last covenant were baptism and the Lord's
Supper. The church was to be a community of the elect kept separate
from the world by its pure teachings.

The Labadists taught rigidly the doctrine of the separation of the
believer from the unbeliever, and to this is attributable the communal
mode of life they adopted. The rule of the sect made it necessary for
a husband and wife to separate if either were not of the elect church,
which came to be synonymous with the church of the Labadists. In
compliance with this rule, a number of the converts to the faith in
Maryland separated from wives or husbands. This was the case with
Petrus Bayard, who later returned to his wife, and with Ephraim

The Labadists came close to the Friends in their doctrine of the law
of the spirit as being the only law to which they were to yield final
subjection. They conceived this law to nullify the ceremonial system
of the Old Testament, and even to reduce to a place of incidental
importance specific moral injunctions. Sabbath observance was not
fundamental, and while the reading of the Bible was a medium of
communication by God's spirit, its importance was secondary to the
immediate movements of the spirit. The works of the Labadists disclose
a high form of faith and aspiration, but vitiated by many visionary
and impracticable features, in Maryland by the mercenary instincts of
their leader, Sluyter. Nor was the general state of religion in
Maryland at the time of their experiment such as to foster a
profoundly pietistical community. Some of the members of the Labadist
community acquired prominence in Maryland affairs, and their company
of thrifty and industrious persons, bent upon illustrating the virtues
of religion, must have done good, however far they may have fallen
short of their ideals; but of the personality of most of them we know
little or nothing.[16]

[Footnote 16: An interesting description of the life of the community
on Bohemia Manor is given in _An Account of the Life, Travels, and
Christian Experiences in the Work of the Ministry by Samuel Bownas_
(London, 1756).]

While the Journal of the Labadists has particular bearing upon
Maryland by reason of the location within its bounds of the colony of
the sectaries, the recital brings into the range of vivid and intimate
knowledge some of the leading characters in the contemporary life of
several of the sister colonies, and it has been recognized as a
valuable aid to students of the early period of New York.

There are no material remains of the Labadists in this country. They
did not affect either the institutions or the spirit of their times,
nor leave memorials behind them. That Augustine Herrman's sentiments
towards the strange visitants and settlers upon his estate became
radically altered, before his death in 1686, is indicated by a codicil
in his will in which he directs that certain of his neighbors
administer his estate in the place of his son Ephraim, giving as his
reason his son's alliance with the Labadists.

The Labadists abroad exerted an appreciable influence upon the life of
their times, and did much to infuse a spirit of evangelical
earnestness into the Reformed Church of the Netherlands, which, at the
rise of Labadism, was formal and pedantic in its modes of worship and
given to theological disputation. Labadie has importance in the
history of that church, and is accorded honor in its records. The
futility of the sect in the New World was due not wholly to its
communal form of organization, but is to be attributed as well to the
fact that the Labadists migrated in obedience to no high and lofty
impulse, but because in their nomadic passage from place to place,
under the pressure of religious and civil proscription, due in most
cases to acts of insubordination, there seemed no place remaining for
them except the shores of the New World. No history of communism can
be complete that does not include the experiment entered upon by Jean
de Labadie and his followers in the Old World, and by the Labadist
colonists in America. It is unfortunate that more complete information
with regard to the actual economic value of the Labadist community
cannot be had, but such information could not greatly differ from the
facts that are well known as to the economic and industrial character
of the Maryland population in general.



Since Dr. James's introduction was written, I have come upon some
facts of interest respecting the two Labadist travellers which were
not known to Mr. Murphy, who indeed had practically nothing to say
regarding their previous life.

Jasper Danckaerts was born at Flushing in Zeeland May 7, 1639, the son
of Pieter Danckaerts and Janneke Schilders--which explains his using
Schilders as a pseudonym during his American expedition. He became a
cooper in the service of the East India Company at Middelburg.[17] A
curious book in which Pierre Yvon, pastor of the Labadist church after
Labadie's death, describes the death-bed conduct and speeches of
members of the sect, gives us glimpses of the diarist's family
life.[18] They may enable us to look more kindly upon that censorious
writer. Under date of May, 1676, the pastor commemorates the death of
"our sister Susanna Spykershof, wife of our brother Dankers. She came
to us at Zonderen" (Sonderen, a temporary stopping-place near Herford)
"with her husband, leaving without difficulty her birth-place and
dwelling-place Middelburg and all her acquaintances.... The trials and
dangers they underwent were common to the two.... Both were at the
same time, at Altona, accepted as members of the body of Christ [the
Labadist church].... She loved her husband tenderly, but when God
called him elsewhere, to the service of His work and children, she
embraced His will therein with much love; which was especially
edifying in her, since before this, when she was living in the world,
she was wont to be in great anxiety whenever he was away from home on
their own concerns. At Bremen, when a portion of our community was
there, then at Altona, and here in Friesland, God visited her with
great sufferings," and she died at the age of thirty-three, soon after
the death of their youngest child.[19]

[Footnote 17: F. Nagtglas, _Levensberichten van Zeeuwen_ (Middelburg,
1890), I. 146.]

[Footnote 18: _Getrouw Verhael van den Staet en de laetste Woorden en
Dispositien sommiger Personen die God tot sich genomen heeft, uyt de
Gereformeerde en van de Werelt afgesonderde Gemeynte, voor desen
gegadert tot Herfort en Altena, en tegenwoordig tot Wiewert Vrieslant_
(second ed., in New York Public Library, Amsterdam, 1683), pp. 30-32.
The original French, _Fidelle Narré des États et des Dernières
Paroles_ (Amsterdam, 1681), and an English version (_ibid._, 1685),
are in the British Museum.]

[Footnote 19: See p. 130, note 1, _infra_.]

When Cornelis van Sommelsdyk went out to Surinam as governor in 1683,
a body of Labadists sought an asylum there. A little later Danckaerts,
after his second voyage to New York, went out with reinforcements to
their settlement of La Providence in Dutch Guiana, which soon proved a
failure.[20] In 1684 he was naturalized by a Maryland act,[21] but
this does not prove that he was then in the province or long remained
there. Thereafter he seems to have lived mostly at Wieuwerd, but he
died at Middelburg between 1702 and 1704. He left behind him an
elaborate manuscript, which he was just about to publish at the time
of his death, entitled "Triumf des Hebreeuwsche Bibels" (triumph of
the Hebrew Bible over secular chronology) in which he styles himself
"Jasper Danckaerts, lover of wisdom, of sacred emblems, history, and
theology, at Middelburg in Zeeland." The antiquary from whose book
this fact is derived says also, "In 1874 I bought at a book-stall in
Middelburg a very neatly written translation of the Psalms, with
musical notes, prepared by Danckaerts mostly during his American
journey, dated at Wieuwerd, and perhaps revised by Anna Maria van
Schurman."[22] This manuscript is now in the library of the Zeeland
Academy of Sciences at Middelburg. I am greatly indebted to Mr. W.O.
Swaving, librarian of that society, who has kindly furnished me with a
copy of the preface to this manuscript, as also of Danckaerts's note
on his Indian Bible.[23]

[Footnote 20: Some writers put the Surinam venture before the voyage
of 1679, and it is noticeable that Danckaerts says he has been in the
West Indies; p. 61, _infra_. But the little "book of saints" which has
just been mentioned says, of a Juffrouw Huyghens, who died in January,
1680, a lady very zealous for the conversion of the Indians, that she
said that "if any of us went out thither, she would wish to be one of
the first." Evidently no such expedition or migration had yet taken
place in 1680; van Sommelsdyk's going out as governor gave the
opportunity, he being a brother of their patronesses.]

[Footnote 21: _Maryland Archives_, XIII. 126, also naturalizing
Sluyter, Bayard, and de la Grange.]

[Footnote 22: F. Nagtglas, _Levensberichten van Zeeuwen_, I. 146; J.
Kok, _Vaderlandsche Woordenboek_, XI. (1708) 41.]

[Footnote 23: See p. 264, note 2, _infra_.]

The manuscript is entitled "De CL Psalmen Davids op Nieus volgens de
Nederduitschen Text in Nederduits Sangh-Rym gebracht door J.D.,
Liefhebber der Poësie tot Wiwert in Vrieslant," _i.e._, "The 150
Psalms of David, translated afresh into Dutch verse in accordance with
the Dutch text, by J.D., lover of poetry, at Wieuwerd in Friesland."
Explaining the deficiencies of the metrical version by Petrus
Dathenus, the writer sets forth his wish to make a better translation
(from French into Dutch), and narrates how the opportunity at last
arrived "when I found myself called upon for the second time to make a
journey to New Netherland in the year 1682-1683. And although such
journeys by water and land seem to offer little good opportunity for
composition, beyond the keeping of a good journal, yet I began with a
good will, and by God's grace pursued and happily finished it....
After returning home and revising and correcting it, it was thought
advisable to submit it for further revision to the Juffrouw N.N.,[24]
which was done, and after two years I received it back with
corrections," copied it again, kept it still longer, but then in view
of the publication of Hendrick Ghysen's version (1690) found it
useless to publish. In the next winter, however, he put it into its
present form, for his own use and that of any who might be edified by
it. The preface is dated at Wieuwerd, January 8, 1691, and signed
Jasper Danckaerts.

[Footnote 24: Meaning Anna Maria van Schurman.]

With Sluiter we are perhaps somewhat less concerned, but he was a more
important figure in the Labadist church. We have seen (Note A) that he
came originally from Wesel, was born in 1645, and was studying
theology at Leyden in 1666. With his brother Hendrik, who was also
educated in theology and had preached at Wesel, he had joined the sect
at Herford. His sister Elizabeth had already joined them at Amsterdam.
The brother withdrew, the sister remained, and figures in Yvon's
hagiology, having died at Altona in 1674, _aet._ 23.[25] Hendrik and
Peter were "speaking brothers" in the church. Some editions of the
Declaration issued at Herford[26] bear on the title-page, along with
the names of Labadie, Yvon, and Dulignon as pastors, those of Hendrik
and Peter Sluyter as preachers. Paul Hackenberg found him one of the
chief disputants at the time of his visit.[27]

[Footnote 25: Schotel, _Anna Maria van Schurman_, app., p. 40;
Schurman, _Eukleria_, II. 38; _Getrouw Verhael_, pp. 16-24.]

[Footnote 26: See p. 265, note 1, _infra_.]

[Footnote 27: See pp. 168, note 1, and 291, note 2, _infra_.]

It seems almost certain that it was Sluyter of whom William Penn
speaks, in his account of his visit to Wieuwerd in 1677, when he had
conferences with the Labadists marked on his part by appreciation of
the affinity between them and the Friends. "With these two," he says,
meaning Anna Maria van Schurman and one of the three ladies van
Sommelsdyk, to whom the estate of Wieuwerd had belonged, "we had the
Company of the Two Pastors [Yvon and Dulignon] and a Doctor of
Physick.... After him the Doctor of Physick, that had been bred for a
Priest [Quaker dialect for any minister], but voluntarily refused that
Calling, exprest himself after this Manner: I can also bear my
Testimony in the Presence of God, that tho' I lived in as much
Reputation at the University, as any of my Colleagues or Companions,
and was well reputed for Sobriety and Honesty, yet I never felt such a
Living Sense of God, as when I heard the Servant of the Lord J. de
Labadie: Adding, The first Day I heard him, ... it was to me as the
Day of my Salvation;... Upon which I forsook the University, and
resolved to be one of this Family."[28] This corresponds with what we
know of "Dr. Vorstman."

[Footnote 28: _Works of William Penn_ (London, 1726), I. 90, 91. See
also p. 202, note 1, _post_. Sluyter is also mentioned as a leading
disputant and exhorter by the neighboring minister, Willem à Brakel,
in his _Trouwhertige Waerschouwinge voor de Labadisten_ (Leeuwarden,
1683), p. 63.]

Sluyter's later life, to his death in 1722, is sufficiently set forth
by Dr. James. It need only be added that in 1692 Lord Nottingham, then
Secretary of State, writes from Whitehall to Governor Copley of
Maryland that "the King being informed that Mr. Vorsman, Moll,
Danckers, De la Grange, Bayert, and some others ... do live peaceably
and religiously together upon a plantation on Bohemia River, and the
said persons being in some Respect strangers may at one time or other
stand in need of your particular protection and favour," His Majesty
directs that such protection and favor be accorded;[29] also that in
1693 and 1695 governors Copley and Nicholson give "Peter Sluyter
_alias_ Vorsman" license to marry persons, as he "hath made it appear
to me that he is an Orthodox Protestant Minister, ordained according
to the Maxims of the Reformed Churches in Holland."[30]


[Footnote 29: _Maryland Archives_, XX. 163.]

[Footnote 30: _Ibid._, pp. 398, 399.]



     _Begun in the Name of the Lord and for his Glory, the 8th of
     June,_ 1679, _and undertaken in the small Flute-ship, the_
     Charles _of New York, of which Thomas Singelton was Master;
     but the superior Authority over both Ship and Cargo was in
     Margriete Flips,[31] who was the Owner of both, and with
     whom we agreed for our Passage from Amsterdam to New York,
     in New Netherland, at seventy-five Guilders for each Person,
     payable in Holland. We had ourselves registered, to wit: I,
     J. Schilders, and my good friend, P. Vorstman._

[Footnote 31: Margaret Filipse. See _post_, p. 5, note 1.]

On the eighth of June, 1679, we left home[32] at four o'clock in the
morning, taking leave of those with whom God had joined us fast in
spirit, they committing us, and we them, with tenderness of heart,
unto the gracious protection of the Highest. Although for a time
separated in body, we remained most closely united in soul, which is,
always and everywhere, but one and the same. We went on foot to
Oost[erend], expecting there to take the canal boat, which we did, at
six or half past six o'clock, after waiting an hour. We took leave
finally of those of our beloved and very worthy friends who had
accompanied us, and thus far made it a pleasant journey for us. Our
hearts had been strengthened in discoursing, on the road, of God and
his will concerning us, and of the disposition and readiness of our
hearts, as we then felt, to bear it whatever it might be, although we
foresaw that it would be mortifying enough for us. We arrived at
B[olsward] about eight o'clock, where we discovered the reason why
there were so few people in the boat and tavern, for by the ringing of
the bells we understood that it was a holiday, namely, Ascension
Day,[33] which suited us very well, as we thus had an opportunity of
being alone in the tavern, and eating out of our knapsack a little
breakfast, while waiting for the canal boat to leave. We were greatly
pleased, while we were in the tavern, to see several persons there,
representatives of the schout,[34] who were going the rounds in all
the taverns of the city, to see whether there were any drunkards or
whether any other disorderly conduct subject to the penalty of any
fine was being practised. When the time arrived, we stepped on board
the canal boat, where we found few people: but these passed the whole
way in tattling, principally about a certain miser who had died and
cheated his friends, leaving them more than they themselves had hoped
to find. As our own thoughts were otherwise employed, this talk was
very annoying to us. We reached W[orkum][35] before the hour fixed for
departure from there, so we went to the Amsterdam packet, on board of
which there were different kinds of people, but all wicked. Among them
was a family consisting of father, mother and children, who even after
the manner of the world were not spoken of much better. They had two
daughters of a very easy disposition. We had the good fortune to have
the cabin to ourselves, where we could be perfectly accommodated. We
left Workum at twelve o'clock with a strong head wind, but it soon
became calm, so that it was six o'clock before we passed
Enckhuysen.[36] We came to anchor before Amsterdam about eleven
o'clock at night.

[Footnote 32: The manor-house of Thetinga, at Wieuwerd in Friesland,
about seven miles southwest of Leeuwarden. By walking to Oosterend and
a little beyond one found, as the canals then lay, a canal route to
the Zuider Zee. The diarist, it will be observed, refrains from naming
the place, and gives only the beginnings of the place-names mentioned
just below.]

[Footnote 33: The chronology needs explanation. Thursday, June 8,
1679, new style (which was the style our travellers observed), was May
29, old style, and May 29, old style, was Ascension Day, the keepers
of old style observing Easter this year on (their) April 20, though
the keepers of new style observed it on (their) April 2. The new style
had been adopted by the province of Holland in 1582, immediately upon
its promulgation by Pope Gregory XIII., but in Friesland and the other
provinces of the Dutch Republic the old style continued to prevail
until 1700.]

[Footnote 34: The chief executive officer of a Dutch town.]

[Footnote 35: A port on the west coast of Friesland, where they took
the packet to cross the Zuider Zee to Amsterdam.]

[Footnote 36: An important commercial town in North Holland, on the
chief point they would pass on the west side of the Zuider Zee.]

_9th, Friday._ We stepped ashore early and went first to look after
our ship, the _Charles_, which we found lying in the stream. When we
went aboard, we found some passengers already on the ship. We inquired
when they intended to sail. The mate, who like the captain was a
Quaker, answered, "to-morrow," that is, Saturday. We went immediately
to the house to which our chest had been directed, taking another with
us. We lodged there as long as we were at Amsterdam. The proprietor
made no objection to deliver us the chest which had arrived before us,
upon our receipts which we had brought. This done, we went to
Margaret's,[37] to whom we spoke of ourselves, voyage, and purpose,
and who showed us some attention. All this was accomplished before
noon-time, when we went to our lodgings to brace ourselves up. The
house being full of people the whole time, it was very difficult for
us, though we obtained a room, to be tolerably alone during the day;
but as the people who carry on this business desire to have much money
spent, and as it was not for us to do so, we went out a great deal
into different parts of the city, and returned there in the evening,
where we slept together.

[Footnote 37: Margaret Philipse. Frederick Philipse (1626-1702), who
in 1674 was listed as the richest man in New York, and later owned the
great Philipse manor and was for twenty years a member of the
governor's council, had in 1662 married Margaret, widow of Pieter
Rudolph de Vries, herself a well-to-do and enterprising merchant. She
was the daughter of Adolf Hardenbroek of Bergen, and died before 1692.
It is not necessary to accept _in toto_ the diarist's estimate of

_10th, Saturday._ We performed some errands, and also spoke again to
Margaret, inquiring of her when the ship would leave. She answered she
had given orders to have everything in readiness to sail to-day, but
she herself was of opinion it would not be before Monday. We offered
her the money to pay for our passage, but she refused to receive it at
that time, saying she was tired and could not be troubled with it that
day, about which we passed a little joke with her, and she asked us if
we were not of such and such people, who lived at such a place, to
which we most of the time answered, yes.[38]

[Footnote 38: _I.e._, if they were not Labadists of Wieuwerd.]

In the afternoon we took on board our chest and what we deemed
necessary for the voyage, by means of an ordinary row-boat. We reached
the boom without the least questioning, as the officers of the customs
were employed with a lighter inspecting some wine of which they needs
must taste. Coming on board, we selected our berth, put our
bed-clothes in it, and requested the mate to keep the berth for us,
which was next to the large hatchway, according to Margaret's orders.
We then returned to our lodgings.

_11th, Sunday._ Not being able to do anything in the city, we
determined to cross over the Y[39] to Buiksloot, where we went to hear
the preaching, which was wretched. It was by an old minister and
according to the doctrines of Voetius. His text was of the seed sown
among thorns. We had hitherto eaten out of our provision basket
without refreshment, and we therefore took the opportunity now to
refresh ourselves a little. We went at noon to Niewendam and heard a
sermon by a person who had recently come there. He gave a short
exposition of his opinions, from which we clearly saw that he was a
Cocceian;[40] and he seemed zealous, but not serious or earnest
enough. We recrossed the river in the evening and went to our

[Footnote 39: The Y (now spelled Ij) is the river or inlet on which
Amsterdam is situated. Buiksloot and Nieuwendam are suburban places on
its north side.]

[Footnote 40: The Voetians and the Cocceians were at this time the
leading theological parties in the Reformed Church of the Netherlands.
Gysbertus Voetius (1589-1676), professor of theology at Utrecht, was
the pietistic, rigidly orthodox Calvinist; at first favorable to
Labadie as to a man of earnest zeal to increase piety in the church,
he turned against him as Labadie developed into separatism. Johannes
Cocceius (1603-1669), professor at Leiden and one of the chief
exponents of the "federal" theology (theology of covenants),
represented a school more liberal in tendency and freer in exegesis,
though still closely Biblical. Our travellers approved neither group.]

_12th, Monday._ This whole day we were in expectation of the ship's
leaving, and therefore went out continually to see about it; but it
was to no purpose. I went again to inquire at the house of Margaret,
but could obtain no assurance. Our lodging house was the while
constantly full of drunkards, and we did all that we could to avoid

_13th, Tuesday._ The ship still lying in the stream: we expected she
would sail; but at the appointed time, nothing coming of it, we went
on board and found there more passengers than before. We inquired
again of the new mate when they had determined to leave, but we could
obtain no information. The mates advised us to go to the Texel[41] and
wait there for the ship, and this, for other reasons, we concluded to
do. I saw to-day a certain cooper who had visited us several times at
A[ltona][42] and who conducted himself very commonly _chez la famme
reformé_,[43] and I believe comes also to the assembly of Mr. B. He
looked at me, but made no recognition, and passed along. This is the
only one of my acquaintance whom I have seen at Amsterdam.

[Footnote 41: A large island at the mouth of the Zuider Zee. Ships
outgoing to America would pass between it and the Helder, or extreme
north point of North Holland.]

[Footnote 42: The Labadists had dwelt at Altona, in Holstein, then
Danish, from 1672 to their removal to Wieuwerd in 1675. Labadie died

[Footnote 43: No doubt the allusion is to Antoinette Bourignon and her
conventicles. Mlle. Bourignon (1616-1680), born in Lille, France, was
a mystical enthusiast of tendencies not dissimilar from those of
Labadie. Like him she wrote much, had temporarily a great vogue, and
removed with her followers from place to place--Amsterdam, Schleswig,
Holstein, Hamburg, East Friesland, Friesland. Their congregation was
at Hamburg when the Labadists were at Altona, close by, and was now at
Franeker, not far from Wieuwerd. Efforts had at first been made toward
union, but by this time there was open opposition between the two
sects. The "assembly of Mr. B." means the conventicle maintained at
Amsterdam by a merchant named Bardowitz or Bardewisch. He had been one
of the foremost followers of Labadie, had interpreted his discourses
into Dutch for those who did not understand French, and when Labadie
retired to Herford in 1670 had been left in charge of that portion of
the congregation which remained in Amsterdam. There he for many years,
without pretending to be a minister, held a conventicle of separatists
in his own house.]

_14th, Wednesday._ Having resolved to go to Texel to-day, whether the
ship left or not, we prepared ourselves for the journey. We took
dinner with our host and paid him for our lodging there. About seven
o'clock we went in the Texel barge, where we found many passengers,
but it was ten o'clock at night before we got off. After leaving the
piles we had a strong head wind, which gradually increased to blow so
hard that we could scarcely keep before it, fearing to sail into

_15th, Thursday._ We passed Enckuisen early in the morning, and had
then to proceed against the wind with hard weather. We kept tacking
with great assiduity till about midday, when the tide compelled us to
stop, and we came to anchor under the Vlieter.[44] The boat being
full of drinking people, there had been no rest the whole night. My
good friend[45] was sea-sick, and particularly suffered from the
toothache, but felt better after taking a little of his usual
medicine. The wind subsiding somewhat, and the tide having fallen,
some of our passengers were put on board a ship-of-war, which was
riding at anchor under the Vlieter, and then we proceeded on our
course to Texel. Tacking until in the evening, as far as the Oude
Schilt,[46] we came near being run down, which happened in this way.
There came a small English ship in from sea, when an English galiot,
lying close in shore, weighed anchor and set sail in order to speak to
her. Coming down close before the wind, they were just going to speak
to the ship, when we lay on their bow in order to wear about. They
were all taken up therewith and took no notice of us, whereupon we
began to shout and scream very hard, but they did not hear us; we not
being able to avoid them, redoubled our cries, every man of us, but
they, coming close by, heard us and hauled off. It was a narrow
escape, as they were within two inches of being right upon us; but as
there was a ship-of-war's boat on our vessel, we were probably in no
great danger of losing our lives, since by means of that we could have
saved ourselves, or they could have caught us up. We landed at the
Oude Schilt about half past nine in the evening, and took lodgings at
the Court of Friesland, one of the principal inns, although we had
been recommended to the Moor's Head, but that did not suit us, because
it was mostly frequented by tipplers. Having taken something to eat,
we retired together to rest in a quiet little chamber which they
prepared for us.

[Footnote 44: The southern extremity of a great shoal near the mouth
of the Zuider Zee, northeast of the island of Wieringen. "Under the
Vlieter" would mean at the east side of this shoal, in the
Tesselstroom or channel to the Texel.]

[Footnote 45: Sluyter.]

[Footnote 46: A village on the east side of the Texel.]

_16th, Friday._ My companion still suffering from the toothache and
also a pain in the stomach, remained in bed till noon, when he found
himself better. We dined with our landlord and then wrote a letter
home, which we posted. We were in momentary expectation of the arrival
of our ship, for which we were constantly on the look out; but as it
continued blowing hard with a contrary wind, we did not discover
anything of her, and, by force, took this time to recruit ourselves a

_17th, Saturday._ Waited for our ship as before, but saw nothing of

_18th, Sunday._ Went to hear preaching this morning at Oude Schilt by
a very poor man, both in body and mind, for he was all awry from top
to bottom, without and within, his face as well as his feet, but
displeasing as he was to look at, he endeavored to please everybody.
His text was, "humble yourselves under the mighty hand of God."[47] We
went in the afternoon through Burght,[48] the principal village on the
island, walking along the dunes and sea-shore, where we were amused by
the running about of an incalculable number of rabbits. Being upon the
outside of the strand, we watched for a while the breakers of the
North Sea, which were being driven against the shore by a northwest
wind; then we turned back to Burght and came to a brewer, the only
one, not only in that place, but on the whole island. We drank of his
beer, which in our opinion was better than any we had found on our
journey. Being a Mennonist[49] he would gladly have entertained us
with pleasant conversation, but admonished of the time, we returned to
our lodgings at Oude Schilt.

[Footnote 47: I Peter v. 6.]

[Footnote 48: Near the middle of the island.]

[Footnote 49: Or Mennonite. Their sect, largely Dutch, were followers
of Menno Simons (1492-1559), refraining from military service, oaths,
and public office. It sprang from among the Baptists of the
Reformation period, and had much in common with the Society of Friends
in the period of the present book.]

_19th, Monday._ We looked out again for our ship, going along the dyke
to Oostereindt,[50] a considerable village, but we saw no signs of
her. We therefore left the shore and returned home inland, passing
through another small village, called Seelt.

[Footnote 50: Still another Oosterend, at the east point of the

_20th, Tuesday._ Perceiving nothing of our ship we began to feel very
anxious, for besides being at much expense for our lodgings, we were
sometimes compelled to eat with very godless men. Our lodging house
was the one most frequented by the superior officers of the
ships-of-war, of which there were seven or eight lying there ready to
convoy different fleets to various parts.

We went in the afternoon to the Hoorn, quite a large village west of
the Oude Schilt. When we had passed through it, we found ourselves
near the dunes, over which we crossed to the beacon, walking upon the
shore to the extreme point of the island, from whence we saw the
Helder before us on the other side, and between, the two mouths of
Texelsdiep,[51] observing how the lines agreed with the beacons. Time
running on, we returned to the Hoorn, where we were compelled to drink
once. The landlord of the house was a Papist, who quickly took us to
be Roman ecclesiastics, at which we laughed between us for his so
deceiving himself. He began to open his heart very freely, and would
have told us all his secrets if we had asked him; but we cut off the
conversation, and answered his questions with civility. When we
reached home in the evening, we saw some ships had arrived, and
supposed certainly one of them was ours; but, as it was dark, we were
compelled to wait till next morning.

[Footnote 51: The main channel past the Texel.]

_21st, Wednesday._ As soon as we had taken a little breakfast we went
along the dyke to Oosterent, near which the ships had come to anchor.
As we approached the place, we could no longer doubt ours was there,
which we were the first to discover. We therefore hired a boat
immediately and went on board, when we not only found it was our ship,
but that she was full and overladen. She was so full of passengers of
all kinds, and so stowed, that we saw no chance of finding a place in
which to sleep, and there were scarcely any of our goods to be found.
The berth, which we had selected, had been taken by others, which
there was no use of resisting; but it caused us no regret, as we
thereby secured another near the cables, almost entirely out of the
way, and always removed from the greatest noise. We determined to go
ashore and come back the next day; but after taking our dinner there
and paying our landlord, we returned on board. When we came on the
ship, they began immediately to inquire of us about everything, and we
answered them discreetly and civilly. Among others who thus made
themselves conspicuous, was Jan, whom we did not know, and whose
deportment did not accord with what we had imagined of him; but we
supposed he was one of the passengers, and one of the best, and most
slovenly. He asked my comrade if we were not of such a people,
expressly naming them, who answered him according to his and our
condition.[52] After we had been on board some time, seeing we
obtained no place, I went myself to look after one and observed where
we could make a berth. I spoke to the captain, who had the chests
removed and a berth arranged for us on the larboard side near the
forehatch; but as the cable was lying there so that it could not be
stretched out as long as it ought, and as there was room enough, I
took a little old rope and set to work to lengthen it out, which I
accomplished before evening, so that we could sleep there that night.
Certainly we had reason to thank the Lord that He had given us a berth
in a more quiet place than we ourselves had chosen, which He had of
His will allowed to be taken from us. His providence truly extends
over all things and His foolishness is wiser than the wisdom of men,
and sometimes even of His children.

[Footnote 52: Jan is not otherwise known to us, though apparently he
had, or had had, some connection with the Labadist community which
made his name familiar to their agents.]

_22d, Thursday._ We slept little during the night in consequence of
the clatter of so many godless and detestable men, and the noise of
children and others. We had, however, to content ourselves. I went in
search of our chest, which was stowed away in the bow, but to no
purpose, as it was necessary to creep on hands and knees to get in
there. We remained in the hope it would come to light at
Faelmuyen.[53] The ship was so low between decks, that sitting on the
chest we could not sit upright even between the beams, for it was only
about three feet high. But we were here in the forecastle well

[Footnote 53: Falmouth, England.]

_23d, Friday._ My comrade wrote a letter home. Our captain having
caused the boat to be made ready in order to go with his wife to
another English ship, we requested permission to accompany him ashore.
He roundly refused us; and we had to wait for a boat to pass and hail
it, which we did. Having posted the letter on shore, and refreshed
ourselves somewhat, we started to go on board again. We found our
boat, when our captain and the captain of the English ship came up.
Our skipper asked us if we would accompany them, to whom we civilly
replied, and so went on board with them in the evening. The sailors
had caught some plaice which were for the guests in the cabin. I
assisted in cleaning them.

_24th, Saturday._ The wind was southeast, the same as yesterday, which
made us all very anxious for Margaret to arrive, so that we might not
miss a good wind. Jan and some others of the passengers were much
dissatisfied, and said: "We know very well where she is. She is in
Friesland." Upon this Jan declared, "if this wind blows over our
heads, I will write her a letter which will make her ears tingle," and
used many other rude expressions. He was one of the greatest of
grumblers, and even against her. He revealed himself more freely in a
conversation with my companion, from which we could clearly discover
that he was of the feelings of Bohéém,[54] though he denied he had
ever read his books. He also expressed himself profanely and in very
foul language, worse than the foulest sailor or dock-loper would have
done. The wind changed towards evening, and thus this day passed with
murmuring, and we doubted no longer that this was Master John.

[Footnote 54: Jacob Boehme (1575-1624), a pious German shoemaker,
author of many noted mystical writings.]

_25th, Sunday._ It blew very hard from the west so that we had to
lower the topmasts and let drop the sheet anchor. We saw at daylight a
yacht coming down to us before the wind and were rejoiced to find that
Margaret was on board, with some other females. The yacht not coming
well up, our captain sent a boat to her, but they could not reach her
on account of the current. However, the yacht succeeded in coming
along side of us, and Margaret came on board with her little daughter,
and a Westphalian woman, who was a widow, and a girl, both of whom
were in her service, and to go as passengers. They were welcomed by
all, and all of them came and shook us by the hand. Some said they
thought she had been to Friesland. Whereupon she answered: "How do you
know where I have been?"[55] We had nothing to detain us now, except
the wind.

[Footnote 55: We are left to infer that Margaret Philipse also, like
Jan, had some relation to the Labadists, and perhaps that she had just
visited them. But her husband, Frederick Philipse, was a native of the
town of Bolsward, mentioned above, and she may therefore have gone

_26th, Monday._ The wind began to blow a little from the south, but
calmly. It veered round more and more to the southeast so that we
determined to get under sail. We therefore took a pilot, weighed
anchor, and set sail about ten or eleven o'clock. We sailed smoothly
onward to the Helder. The pilot had a brother who was older, and had
been a pilot longer than he had, and who sailed ahead of us in the
pilot boat, continually sounding the depth of water with the deep
lead. When we were going by the Oude Schilt there came a barge off
with two more women who desired to go with us; but as they could not
reach the ship, the pilot boat went after them and took them on board
of her, where they had to remain until the ship arrived outside. It
was about two o'clock when we came in the channel of the Lant's-diep
or Nieuwe Diep.[56] You run from Oude Schilt strait to the Helder, and
so close to the shore that you can throw a stone upon it, until you
have the capes on this point opposite each other, namely, the two
small ones; for to the westward of these there is a large one which is
not to be regarded. Having the capes thus opposite each other, you are
in the middle of the channel and by the first buoy. The current runs
outside along the shore, east and west, to wit: the ebb tide westerly,
and the flood easterly, and also very strong. The ebb runs until it is
half flood. There are still two other channels, the old one which is
the middle one, and the Spanish Channel stretching to the east. We had
reached the middlemost buoy when it became entirely calm, for which
reason we could hardly steer the ship, and, in the meanwhile, the
current was steadily setting us over to the west bank. Hereupon a
dispute arose between the pilot in our ship and those in the pilot
boat going ahead of us. The one in the ship on throwing the lead and
finding it begin to be shallow, and seeing, moreover, that the current
was driving us more upon the shoal, was of opinion that we should wear
ship, which his brother was not willing to do, saying that she should
stand over further. This continued so long that at last it became
entirely dry, when he wished to tack about; but it could not then be
done in consequence of the current running with so much force upon
shallow ground, and carrying the ship violently against the shoal,
where the current ran obliquely. They got out the boat at the bow of
the ship to row, which would not yield in consequence of the strong
current which also drove the boat as well as the ship; so that, in a
word, we were aground on the west bank of the channel, and although
the water was nearly at its lowest there was still a strong ebb tide.
Immediately there was great clamor and running to and fro both of
seamen and those not acquainted with navigation. Every one was
alarmed, and every one did his best in that respect, the more so,
because there was not far from us the wreck of a ship with her masts
sticking out of water, though it was on the east side of the channel.
Nevertheless, we remained fast, and the ship began to thump hard and
fall entirely on one side. They ran straightway to the pumps, but
found no leak. The pilot remained in good spirits, though put out and
angry with his brother, who had misled us, and who, in consequence of
the strength of the current, and the lightness of the wind, could not
come on board of us. They said we were in no danger, although it
looked very strange, as the current had washed the sand very much from
under the lee of the ship whereby she had fallen much on her side. But
we hoped with the flood tide she would come off again.

[Footnote 56: These are channels leading out around the Helder, the
Nieuwe Diep close to that cape on the inside, the Lands Diep close to
it on the outside. Farther out lay the old channel and the Spaniard's

There were several passengers, not only women, but men, and some of
the bravest, who began to secure the best they had, and were ready and
looking out how they might safely reach the land. But the Lord
possessed us with His grace. Though seeing all this and knowing the
danger, I was not disturbed by it. Margaret proposed throwing some of
the cargo overboard, but the pilot and I dissuaded her from it. The
captain wished to start the tanks of fresh water, but we hindered him.
Of all the men in the ship I saw no one who was so frightened as Jan.
He ran backwards and forwards and hardly knew what he said or did.
This happened about half past three o'clock in the afternoon, and as
we had not yet taken any dinner, and could effect nothing as long as
the ship was fast, the victuals were brought out to be eaten. We sat
before the hut and ate; but we had not finished when I perceived the
ship dragging, as had been predicted. I sprang up quickly and cried
out: "We are afloat; the ship's afloat." Immediately thereupon the
whole ship was in commotion. The victuals were removed, the boat put
to the bow, and every one did his best, rowing as well as he could.
The ship, floating more and more, gave some good pushes and was
brought into four fathoms of water, in the middle of the channel, and
there anchored. My companion and myself thanked God in our hearts, and
all were very much rejoiced. But no sooner was the danger over, which
had somewhat bridled the godlessness of these bad men, than they
returned to their old courses, with cursing and foul language. They
were not affected in the least by what had happened, nor by God's
gracious preservation of us. Truly was His hand visible, for it
remained perfectly calm, so the ship labored very little. It would
otherwise have been all over with us, for our ship not being the
strongest, and being moreover very heavily laden, if the wind had
changed to the east and forced us on a lee shore, she would have soon
gone to pieces; or if we had grounded on the opposite side, which
might easily have happened, there would have been little probability
of her getting off, because the flood tide would have driven us higher
up, especially if it had blown somewhat hard. The flood having run in
and a light breeze springing out of the S.E. and S.S.E., the anchor
was raised and in a short time we came outside, having been there
about six hours. The pilot was paid, and he left the ship; the women
whom he had taken in his boat were put on board and we bade him adieu,
and set our course.

Before we proceed further we will say a word concerning the island of
Texel, where we were about eight days, although the island is well
known. It is said to be twenty-eight miles[57] in circumference, and
is nearly oval in form. The shore, inside along the Texelsdiep, is
dyked; on the outside, along the North Sea, it is beset with dunes.
There are six villages, namely Oosterend, Seelt, the Hoogh, the Burgh,
which is the principal one, and has privileges like a city, such as
that of inflicting capital punishment and others; the Oude Schilt,
which is mostly resorted to by ships, the Hoorn, and also the West
End, which has now fallen into decay. We saw four of them but not the
Hoogh which lay out of the way, and the West End which had fallen
into decay. Inland the country is rough, and some of it high, so that
there are few ditches, except in the low lands for the most part on
the side of Texelsdiep. Otherwise they protect their land with small
dykes of earth. The soil is sandy, which affords very good water in
the high places. The meadow lands are somewhat dry, but yield a fine
grass. The inhabitants gain their livelihood, for the most part, by
raising sheep and making Texel cheese. The sheep are smaller, but
fatter and more hardy than they are in Friesland. They seldom bring
forth two young at a birth, and when they do, one usually is killed in
order that the other may be better nourished. The inhabitants have
cows for their own use. The dyke is not high or thick, but is lined
with _wier_, a kind of sea grass, which they put together and lay
against the dyke somewhat higher than the earth work. Piles are driven
outside to hold this wier against it, and prevent the sea from washing
it away. This dyke is repaired every year by contract. Many fishermen
and pilots live along it, both qualifications generally being in the
same person, as well as the other pursuits pertaining to navigation.
There are about five hundred pilots in all living on the island of
Texel, as can be seen by the numbers which they carry on their sails
or wings.

[Footnote 57: In this translation distances are stated in English

The law is that no ship can go in or out without a pilot; and in case
any captain will not take a pilot, he is nevertheless bound to pay the
fees of one, and in case the captain will not pay them, the pilots can
go to Amsterdam and there obtain it at the expense of the captain. And
if the captain take no pilot and an accident happen, the consequences
fall upon him; but I believe this first rule only applies to ships
belonging to Amsterdam or other ports in Holland; and that foreign
ships are more free in that respect, but cannot relieve themselves
from the second. The pilots who bring in ships from the outside bring
them to the Texel roadstead or the Helder, and others take them to
Amsterdam or elsewhere; and those who take them from Amsterdam, go no
further than the Texel road or the Vlie,[58] and other pilots carry
them out to sea. The fee of the pilots is a guilder[59] a foot for
every foot the ship draws, though any sum may be fixed by agreement.

[Footnote 58: The Texel channel being the great western passage out
from the Zuider Zee, the other or eastern passage was the Vlie, lying
on the other side of the great shoal known as the Bree Sand, and
leading out between the islands of Vlieland and Schelling.]

[Footnote 59: A guilder or florin was equivalent to about 40 cents.]

During the whole time we were there we saw few or no fish, though we
supposed this was the place for fish. We remarked further that the
inhabitants of Texel were more polite than the boors of Friesland. A
large portion of them are Romanists. There was no home-brewed beer
tapped in the taverns, but it was all foreign beer, and this I suppose
was for the purpose of saving the excise. They are under the
jurisdiction of West Friesland and the particular government of the
city of Alckmaer,[60] whose weights and measures they use. West of the
Oude Schilt there is a small fortification with four points and two
redoubts on the dyke, and some small batteries; but they afford little
protection to the place, and still less to the harbor. It was closed
and without men, when we were there. When we first came there, the
people, unaccustomed to see such persons, regarded us as some
individuals in particular. The innkeepers took us to be farmers of the
revenue, especially of brandies, and supposed our presence there was
to prevent their smuggling, as they themselves told us. The Roman
Catholics, as they declared, looked upon us as priests; the
Mennonists, as a class of their exhorters; and the ordinary Reformed,
as preachers; whereby they all showed they did not know us in truth,
according to the word in Christ Jesus.

[Footnote 60: West Friesland was the ancient name for the northern
part of the province of Holland, Alkmaar one of its chief towns.]

Leaving Texel and the land we came outside the coast, laying our
course S.W. with a S.E. wind, with which we sailed some distance from
the shore. Towards evening the wind began to blow from the S. and
S.S.W. quite hard, and so we stood off through the whole night. I do
not know that I ever had in my life so severe a pain in the breast as
I had this evening, whether it was from hard work or change of our

_27th, Tuesday._ The wind from the same quarter as before, but blowing
harder, for which reason we reefed our topsails. We had twenty-six and
twenty-eight fathoms of water. By evening it was somewhat calmer; but
as the wind was not steady we stood off from the shore.

_28th, Wednesday._ Finding ourselves in twenty-five and twenty-six
fathoms of water and the wind still south and southwest we sailed over
by the wind. It continued to blow hard, and we sailed for the most
part N. by E. and N.N.E. It annoyed me that I could not get at our
chest, in order to obtain my charts and books of navigation. Our mate
and others observed the latitude, and found it to be 52° 16´; and we
tacked about. The wind continued in the same quarter, sometimes a
little lighter, sometimes sharper. We kept mostly a S.S.E. course,
with hard weather the first part of the night.

_29th, Thursday._ Having twenty-six and twenty-seven fathoms of water
we lay over again. Every day there were many mackerel caught, which
for several days were for the cabin only, whatever number were caught,
because they were taken with the captain's hooks; but the passengers
and sailors began to get their hooks ready also and thus every one
began to catch and eat. The weather was delightful. I had obtained my
things out of the chest, and found the latitude 52° 18´ [?]. We stood
over to the Flemish or Zeelandish coast, calculating we were not far
from Sluis and Bruges. I therefore went aloft frequently to look out
for land. We saw several fishing boats, one of which we hailed toward
evening. He was from Zierickzee, and told us Walcheren[61] was about
twenty-eight miles E.S.E. of us, and we could see it from the mast
head, as was the fact. We laid over again immediately. It now began to
blow more from the S.W. and S.W. by W. We had sailed the last night
west by north, according to reckoning, twenty-eight miles. This result
agreed with my observation within less than four miles, and that of
our mate, named Evert. But the captain's and the English mate's
calculation brought us before the Maes, as Evert[62] told me.

[Footnote 61: The westernmost island of the province of Zeeland.]

[Footnote 62: Evert Duyckinck; see _post_, p. 28, note 2.]

We sailed now for a day or two among great quantities of June-bugs or
cock-chafers, which had been driven off from the land and drowned,[63]
which caused us to reflect upon what God did formerly in Egypt and
elsewhere, and still often does, for His power is always the same,
although it is not always understood.

[Footnote 63: In the fragmentary manuscript journal of the voyage of
1683, Danckaerts notices, on land, between Canterbury and Dover, the
same great abundance of beetles, which every evening fly out to sea
from Dover in great numbers.]

_30th, Friday._ We tacked over to the Flemish coast this morning in
twenty-five fathoms of water; but it was so calm that we made little
progress. It was too cloudy to take the latitude. The wind was very
variable, and we could not keep on S.W., or even south, and so drifted
for the most part with the tide.

JULY _1st, Saturday._ We had drifted the whole night in the calm, and
had gone backwards instead of forwards; but in the morning the wind
began to blow out of the N.W. and N.N.W. with a stiff breeze. We
therefore set all sail, and went ahead tolerably well on a straight
course W. by S. and W.S.W. against the current. We saw land many times
about two hours' distance, both on the starboard and larboard, that on
the starboard being the cape of Dover, and on the larboard, the cape
of Calais. There was a free wind and fine weather, though a little
haze on the horizon. The land began to loom up more distinctly, and I
sketched it twice with crayon. We continued to catch plenty of
mackerel, and also weevers and whitings. We arrived before Dover at
sunset, when we fired a gun, and a boat came off to us immediately, by
which the captain sent some letters ashore. We inquired of them the
news, and they answered us all was well; but they told the captain
privately that 30,000 Scottish Papists had taken up arms for the

[Footnote 64: A distorted rumor of the rising of the Covenanters in
June, 1679; but everything was now seen in the light of the Popish

It is proper that I should say something here of the North Sea. In
case you are driven about by strong contrary winds and cannot obtain
the latitude, and, indeed, under any circumstances, you should use the
deep lead frequently, for the depth is well shown on the chart, and
often you cannot get sight of the land. The Flemish coast is the least
dangerous, although the English is the most surveyed, because the
water becomes shoal gradually. You may get into thirteen and fourteen
fathoms of water. In the true channel it is twenty and twenty-two
fathoms, and in the middle it is deeper, namely, twenty-six and
twenty-eight and over, but it is somewhat more uneven. In approaching
the English coast the shoals are more even, as twenty-six, eighteen,
seventeen fathoms. To navigate the channel it is best to keep nearest
the Flemish coast, because it affords a better course, and the current
makes it easy to go north, and the sandbars such as the Galper,
Wytingh, and Goyn,[65] are more to be avoided than the Flemish banks;
and, moreover, close by the shore it is very deep, yet by the setting
of the current to the north you may soon be upon them, that is, with
an ebb tide.

[Footnote 65: Sandbanks off the southeast coast of England, called by
the English the Galloper, the Whiting, and the Goodwin Sands.]

_2d, Sunday._ Made fair progress during the night. We found ourselves
in the morning before the point of Bevesier,[66] which I sketched. The
wind was northerly with a cool air. About breakfast time a large
English ship came up behind us, which we hailed. She was from London
and bound for the Straits.[67] She had much sail on, and after passing
us, set all she had; but not long afterwards a small breeze blowing
off shore, she was compelled to begin to take in her topgallant-sails
and upperstay-sails. This was scarcely half done when her maintop-mast
and mizzentop-mast went by the board, and remained hanging on the side
of the ship. The man who was taking in the topgallant-sail fell
overboard. When this accident happened she was only a short distance
ahead of us; and we, therefore, all ran forward to the forecastle to
see whether there were any pieces of wood at our bow to damage us. We
sailed by her, close under her lee, and saw somewhat of a crowd
running about the ship. Finally they launched their jolly-boat for the
purpose of looking after the man who had fallen overboard with the
top-mast. Whether there were any more we did not know, and as we
sailed ahead of them with considerable speed, we could not see whether
they fished any one up or not; but the ship sailed before the wind the
best she could, when her top-mast went overboard; we took in very
quickly our own topgallant-sail, which we had set, but more from
precaution than necessity. Shortly afterwards it was so calm that we
merely drifted along; and being nearly midway between Bevesier and the
Isle of Wight, and the ebb tide running out, we were compelled by the
current to anchor about a mile from the shore.

[Footnote 66: Beachy Head.]

[Footnote 67: Of Gibraltar.]

About four o'clock in the afternoon Margaret came to me while I was
engaged in sketching the Isle of Wight. We talked over various matters
which were almost the same as those about which she had conversed with
my companion the day before, and I therefore met her with the same

_3d, Monday._ We did not advance any during the night, and had drifted
along; but a breeze springing up we went ahead a little. It was very
foggy, so that we could not see the land. It cleared up in the
afternoon, when we found ourselves off against the Isle of Wight; but
the wind subsiding, and the tide being spent, we ran for the point of
the island, and came to anchor in ten or eleven fathoms near some
other ships which were waiting there for a good wind and tide. The
jolly-boat was launched and our Dutch mate and two other persons went
ashore in order to see if they could obtain some fresh provisions. The
tide having passed, and the wind shifting, we signalled to them to
come on board again, which they did in the evening, when we were
already almost under sail. They brought nothing with them, except a
little milk which served us as a good refreshment for this evening.
Sailing ahead, we steered above the point with the wind W.S.W., and so
gained the open sea. There is a very strong current here, and hard
beating along the shore and around the point. The current sent us
ahead more than the wind. The coast is quite good and it is deep
enough close up to the shore.

_4th, Tuesday._ We found ourselves in the morning opposite Wight with
the wind S.S.E., and quite still. After a while there came up a
breeze. We passed Peveril Point,[68] however, with the ebb. About noon
a flute-ship[69] came near us which we hailed. She was from Amsterdam,
bound to Cadiz. It was so calm in the evening that we drifted, and
turned round several times. We perceived fifteen or eighteen large
ships on the French coast, which saluted each other with many heavy
guns. The ebb being spent, we came to anchor again in twenty-one
fathoms of water, about two miles from the shore. The flood having run
out by evening, we weighed anchor, and before we were under sail had a
fresh wind astern. We therefore set all the sail we could, having a
favorable wind and tide, by which means we came before Portland.

[Footnote 68: Durlston Head.]

[Footnote 69: A small long three-masted trading-ship.]

_5th, Wednesday._ We still had a fair wind and kept our course W. by
S. We passed Portland, and came in sight of Goutstar,[70] and arrived
off against it about noon. Our mate was of opinion that we had run by
the rock of Meeusteen or Jetston,[71] and should have it on the
larboard; but on looking out afterwards we found it right before us,
about four miles off. We had therefore to hold up and leave it on the
starboard. It is a large rock having its head just above the water. It
rises up straight, but is very much hacked, which makes it look like a
reef. Whenever the sea is rough it is under water. It is dangerous
enough, and lies far out in the channel, farther than it is marked
down on my chart. We certainly had reason here again to observe the
care of the Lord, and His protection through His good providence,
which always watches paternally over His children, shown in our
becoming aware of this rock before the evening, and just before the
evening, for we had not well gone by it before it was dark. If we had
been sailing so at night, or if we had not now discovered it, the
mate's calculation being as it was, we certainly should not have
missed sailing upon it; for when we first saw it, it was straight
before us, and we were sailing with a fair wind and tide up to it. We
were therefore touched, and thankful to the Lord. This passed, we
still, while the sun was going down clear, made Deadman's Head,[72] a
point jutting out from England, so that we reckoned we were still
twenty-eight or thirty-two miles from Falmouth Bay; but the wind had
fallen off somewhat. My calculation was, that we were about twelve or
sixteen miles from Falmouth.

[Footnote 70: Start Point.]

[Footnote 71: This dangerous reef was called by the Dutch Meeuwsteen
(Sea-mews' Rock), by the English Eddystone. Of the lighthouses for
which it has been celebrated, the first was begun in 1695.]

[Footnote 72: Dodman Point.]

_6th, Thursday._ During the night I heard the ship tack close about,
and therefore supposed that the wind had changed, or that the ship had
run too far, or, what was more probable, I was afraid, the wind being
about S.E., we had fallen more to the shore. Our mate Evert and I
thought we should stand off a little till daylight; but the captain
tacked about again, so that we then sailed N.E., intending thus to
enter the harbor of Falmouth, but we found no opening, and when the
day broke, discovered that they had made a mistake, and had taken the
point of Deadman's Head for the point of Falmouth Bay. When the sun
rose, they saw they were deep in the bay, on a lee shore, where it all
looked strange, and they had a tolerably hard wind. When they saw they
were wrong it continued so some time before they became informed. They
then wore ship, and sailed with quite easy sheets out of the bay.

This mishap was mainly caused by Master Jan, who wishing to play the
part of a wise man, though truly it was from fear, had been on deck
several times during the night in order to look out, afraid, as he
said himself, that we might sail upon the point of the Lizard.[73]
Coming up at this time with drowsy eyes, and catching a glimpse of the
land, through the mist, he began to call out, that we had passed by
Falmouth, and would certainly sail upon the Lizard. It was the English
mate's watch, who was not very well acquainted with him, and could not
keep him still. The captain was therefore called, who also came up
rubbing his eyes, and unable to see the land well in the mist. He
agreed with Jan, being apprehensive that the ship had sailed more than
they thought, and as I myself considered might well be the case, and
so let the ship tack about. I deemed it better, however, to keep off
from the shore till daylight, when they could see where they were; but
the captain relying more upon Jan's opinion, and wishing to accomplish
half a masterpiece, by going into Falmouth in the dark, and surprising
the people there to whom the ship was consigned, and so to pass
hereafter as a good and skillful captain, insisted upon sailing in,
and so they went in, as has been mentioned. It is no part of the
business of a good seaman to run into a place by night, or when it is
dark, where he is not well acquainted; but in such case he should work
off shore slowly, waiting until day and light, and know where he is,
and then see what can be done. Thus the fear of one danger, and the
rashness accompanying it, brought us into another, greater than the

[Footnote 73: The southernmost point of Cornwall. Falmouth is about
midway between it and Dodman Point.]

Sailing then out of this bay, around the west point, we saw at once
the neck from which this point of land takes its name of Deadman's
Head. It is shaped like a coffin or the mound of earth which peasants
form over a grave, one end a little higher than the other, and going
up sharp on either side; but it is on the top somewhat jagged. It is
on the east side of the point, three or four cable lengths from the
main land. We had a third mate (Titus), on board the ship who was to
go on the other ship at Falmouth, and who was well acquainted here. He
said he had passed through the opening between the rock and the main
land, and that it was a mile wide and tolerably clear and deep enough.
After having passed Deadman's Head and this rock, we came to a small
pretty sand-bay, but it lies open. From Deadman's Head you can see, on
the point of Falmouth Bay, a church with a small spire, and near it a
stone windmill, which forms a good land-mark, for along the whole
coast there are few or no steeples. As you sail along this point the
castle comes into view standing upon the west point of the harbor of
Falmouth, where also there is a stone windmill.[74] The easterly point
should be avoided, for it runs out considerably. It is hard bottom,
and at low tide there is three fathoms water always; and we sailed in
with that depth. As soon as you perceive it is deeper, you have passed
the east point. Then keep along this shore if the wind be fair, for
there is a rock almost directly in the channel. You can go around it
close enough, but this should not be done. As it was low water when we
entered, it stuck up out of the water. At high tide it is covered.
There is a spar or pole upon it, which cannot be seen far, but the
breakers are sufficiently visible. When you sail in, in this manner,
you see the other castle also, lying on the east side, on a point
inside. After having passed the rock, keep a little again on the
inside, and then to the west, so as to avoid the second point, upon
which the east castle is situated. As soon as you have passed that,
you have deeper water and softer bottom; and you must then look out
that you do no damage to the shipping, for the roadstead commences
there, and you can see the town or village of Falmouth lying upon the
west side of the bay, and appearing somewhat prettier than it is in
fact. When we arrived, we found a large number of vessels lying there;
but being desirous of sailing high up, several ships received good
thumps from us, in passing by them, and our endeavoring to keep off
the shoals. It would have resulted much worse, if our sheet anchor,
which was lying up forward, had not caught between the rails of a
small vessel, whose mizzenmast we also came foul of, whereby our ship
turned round, and at the same time our anchor fell, and we touched
bottom in the mud, with fine weather and still water. We thanked our
God again, with our whole hearts, for the double mercy shown us this
morning, having not only in a fatherly manner preserved us from an
apprehended danger, but delivered us from this one into which we had
truly fallen, and had then caused us to arrive so well. To Him belongs
all praise and glory, from all His children, and especially from us,
to all eternity. Amen.

[Footnote 74: Falmouth, which had come into existence in 1613,
numbered in 1679 some two hundred and fifty houses. The two castles
alluded to as commanding the harbor were Pendennis castle on the west
(southeast of the town), famous for its obstinate defence in 1646 by
the royalists under Lord Arundell, and St. Mawes on the east.]

Our anchor had not yet touched bottom when the inspectors or
tide-waiters all came on board to examine. Our captain and Margaret
went immediately ashore; and after the cook had served the breakfast,
almost all the passengers, both old and young, putting on their best
clothes, did the same. My comrade also went to see if any letters had
arrived for us, whilst I remained on board to look after things a
little; for all our goods were in the berth, and otherwise within
reach, and the ship was constantly full of strange people. My comrade
soon returned, but brought no letters. This morning while we were
launching the boat, I hurt myself in the loins, on my left side; the
pain extended through the whole of that side of my body, to my left
breast, and across the middle to the right breast. I was all bent up
while standing, and had to sit down. I could scarcely draw a breath or
move myself; but I felt it was my old complaint, forced upon me anew
when I hurt myself. This pain continued for some days, when it
gradually passed over. At high water we towed the ship higher up, to
the warehouse, where we had to unload. The custom house officers, and
Mr. Roggers,[75] came on board with some other persons, and when they
left, they promised us the ship should be unladen by Tuesday, for
which we were glad.

[Footnote 75: The custom house had lately been transferred to Falmouth
from Penryn. Bryan Rogers was one of the chief merchants of the

_7th, Friday._ They began early to break open the hatches and
discharge the ship. My comrade and I went ashore to a place called
Pe[n]ryn, a little further up the bay, where it ends and as far as
they can go with any vessels. We went walking thence into the country,
over and among the hills, for the purpose of recreating and recruiting
ourselves, which refreshed us very much, after having been so long in
an overburdened ship and with such wicked men.

We returned to Pe[n]ryn at noon in order to see if we could obtain
some place or other to lodge and rest ourselves for a time. By chance
we came to an inn in that place, called The English Ship, the landlord
of which was named Maitre Jean, who spoke a little Dutch, but, as we
afterwards discovered, better French, so well indeed that we could
converse with him. We took dinner there, and agreed with him to lodge
there for several days, with the privilege of a chamber to ourselves.

_8th, Saturday._ Having slept on board the ship we went in the morning
to our new lodgings, where we breakfasted, and then rambled into the
country to divert ourselves, and thence to Falmouth, and so returned
by evening to our lodgings.

_9th, Sunday._ My companion being disposed to write, I went to their
church, to wit the Episcopal,[76] where I was surprised to find in the
church yard a great crowd of people sitting together, smoking tobacco
and waiting for the last toll of the bell. On entering the church I
was still more astonished at the ceremonies which indeed did not
differ much from those of popery, and continued quite long enough.
Then followed a sermon, if it may be called such, delivered in a white
gown, as were the first services and other ceremonies in like
vestments. The sermon was read out of a little book, without the
addition of a single word. It began about ten o'clock, and was not
very edifying. The text was from II Cor. xiii. 11; and all this
continued till about half-past eleven, when church was over, and the
burgomasters or mayors,[77] with two golden royal sceptres, were
escorted home. In the afternoon I went out for a walk to the ship,
which lay about a half-hour from here toward Falmouth, and nearly
midway between the two places for the purpose of being unladen.

[Footnote 76: The new church at Falmouth, built by Sir Robert
Killigrew. The sermon was probably from the _Two Books of Homilies_
authorized by the Church.]

[Footnote 77: There was but one mayor.]

_10th, Monday._ We remained at our lodgings almost the whole day
writing letters. Our ship was nearly discharged, which I went in the
evening to ascertain.

_11th, Tuesday._ We continued still at our lodgings, but in the
afternoon visited the ship in consequence of their telling us that our
chest would be examined, as indeed took place. There were some
passengers on shore whose chests were broken open, because they did
not attend to them, and the inspectors would not wait. They cut to
pieces the cords of their berth under which they found some things;
but although there were more berths so arranged, and still better
furnished than this one, they did nothing to them, as they well knew
beforehand whose they were, and why they did what was done. When they
examined our chest, they took almost all our goods out of it. However,
they did not see our little box, or perhaps they thought it contained
medicines, as they found in the other one. The two small pieces of
linen were entered, and registered against my name. They went to our
berth, but did nothing; nor was anything there.

_12th, Wednesday._ This whole day was a writing day, for the post
would leave to-morrow. They began to reload the ship in the afternoon.
I went on board once, and also went with another to see if there were
any letters for us, which turned out to be the fact; for, on finding
the captain, he gave me a letter for which I paid twenty-two pence
postage. This was the first letter we had received from home. It is
unnecessary for me to say that I was rejoiced, or that we thanked the
Lord that He still thought of us. I went immediately with it to my
companion, who was as glad as I was, and also because the letter came
just in time to be answered, as we did with joy and tenderness of

_13th, Thursday._ As the post was soon to leave, we took our letters
to the post office at Penryn, next to The White Dolphin. The package
was weighed, and was one ounce and a quarter in weight, for which we
paid fifteen pence postage to London; and they informed us it would
reach London on Monday. Our ship being almost laden again, we paid our
landlord and returned on board ship. We could have easily remained a
day or two longer at our lodgings, but our landlord had given us
reasons for leaving. Coming on board the ship, we began to arrange our
place a little for keeping house again. Meanwhile I helped fill the
water casks. There was also some beef to be salted in barrels.

_14th, Friday._ Our ship was entirely laden, that is, with the goods
she had to take, for there was a large quantity of them which had come
out of her, remaining for the other ship which Margaret had bought
there, and which was to be made ready there to go to the Isle of
May,[78] and thence to Barbados. She was a large but very weak ship,
short and high, small and meagre as regards bulk, not altogether old,
but misbuilt. She sailed tolerably well, but was very lank. Two of our
crew went with her, namely, Titus, who was to be boatswain, and one of
our carpenters, named Herman, who was the best one we had. They went,
from the first, to work upon her, for she was lying in winter
quarters. Our ship being laden, our captain went on board the large
one with an English lad, the cabin boy, and his, the captain's wife.
This captain had obtained a Quaker for his mate, a young man and a
very poor seaman, as I have been able to observe. Hereupon our English
mate, named Robert, who also was a Quaker, became captain in the place
of the other, and our Dutch mate, or rather New Netherland mate, named
Evert van Duike--for he was a New Netherlander born, and his parents
and relations were still there, though he had married at Amsterdam and
had lived there a long time, but was now taking his wife and children
with him to New Netherland--became mate in place of the other.[79] In
return for the three persons and the boy who had gone from our crew,
we obtained only one in their place, a poor creature, called Jan, the
doctor, of Boston, who seemed more a charlatan in his behavior and
gestures than a good seaman. Meanwhile we went walking, to see the
country, and in the afternoon came to the east castle, where a soldier
conducted us from the gate and took us before the governor,[80] who
asked us who we were, where we came from, what flag our ship bore,
when and with whom we had arrived, and for what purpose we had come to
the castle. We answered him politely; but we could not make ourselves
well understood by him, for he spoke nothing but English, which we
could not do, or very little, though we could understand it pretty
well. He finally ordered the soldier to conduct us around the castle,
in order that we might look at it. Having satisfied the soldier, we
left, and went down the hill. The beer brewed at the castle is very
poor; there is little or no fresh water up there, and what there is,
does not amount to much. The castle is otherwise strong and well
provided, having over an hundred guns in different batteries, which
command the harbor and the entire roadstead. When we reached the ship
she was laden.

[Footnote 78: One of the Cape Verde islands.]

[Footnote 79: Evert Duyckinck was the son of a Westphalian painter and
glazier of the same name who had come out to New Netherland early, in
the service of the Dutch West India Company.]

[Footnote 80: Pendennis castle is meant. The governor was Richard,
Lord Arundell of Trerice, son of the old governor who had commanded
during the siege of 1646.]

_15th, Saturday._ As our ship was now full, and orders had come to
haul the ship at high water from before the warehouse and off from the
ground, they did so this morning. We went to Penryn to buy some
butter, and when we returned the boat was sent for fresh water, which
was brought on board, and the ship then towed to the roadstead below,
where she arrived in the evening, somewhat late, and was moored at

_16th, Sunday._ The weather was misty and rainy. We went ashore with
one of the passengers and one of the sailors, a young fellow, a
Scotchman, by birth, from the Orkneys, and a Presbyterian by
profession, named Robert,[81] who took us, at our request, to the
Presbyterian meeting, which we left quite satisfied with the zeal of
the preacher. Their mode of service is not different from that of the
Reformed in Holland, but the common people sat there with very little
reverence. At noon we went to dine at a very good inn, called The
Golden Fleece, and in the afternoon we attended the meeting of the
Episcopalians, of whose church service we have before spoken, and so
in the evening returned on board the ship.

[Footnote 81: Robert Sinclair. Though he returned on the _Charles_, he
came back to New York in 1682, married the sister of Evert Duyckinck,
became a sea-captain, and died in 1704.]

_17th, Monday._ We went this morning again with some passengers to
Penryn, where the yearly market day was held, with the intention of
laying out a little money in some purchases, having rid ourselves of
Mr. Jan, who had sought to get it out of our hands, and would by that
means have cheated us. He promised us, if we would let him have the
money, thirty per cent. interest payable in New York, or ducats[82]
there at twelve guilders of _zeewan_ each; but the Lord, who has care
over the least of His children, saved us from this fox, and excited
the attention of another passenger, namely, Jan Theuniesen, who lived
on Long Island, and who advised us what to do.[83]

[Footnote 82: A gold coin of Holland, worth originally about two
dollars and a half, but at this time less. It would apparently have
been worth fifteen guilders of _zeewan_ (wampum) in New Netherland.]

[Footnote 83: Jan Teunissen van Dykhuis, of Brooklyn.]

We bought several things on which we thought we could make a profit,
because the peril of the sea was to be encountered. The Lord, who, as
I have said, takes care of the least of His children, so ordered it
that we not only did not lose any thing by our Dutch money, which
commonly brings not more than five shillings for a ducat; but we
received for almost all that we used, five shillings and six pence,
that is 67 stivers.[84] The reason of this was, that the man who took
our money was about going to Norway, for timber, where he could pay it
out at a higher rate than English money. Having made our purchases, we
went to Falmouth, but as we could not take our goods on board the ship
without first declaring them, we had to take them to Mr. Roggers's,
where one Mr. Jacobs lived, who had assisted in inspecting the ship's
lading, and who would do the same with these. Thinking over the
purchases we had made at Penryn, we discovered there was a mistake in
the payment of a bill, arising from the counting of the money by our
Dutch mate and Jan Theunissen. The difference amounted to one pound
sterling. We, or our friends on our account, had paid the bill. We
discovered the mistake at Falmouth, and immediately went back to
Penryn, informed the merchant of the mistake, which he did not have
much trouble in comprehending. He gave us back the money, for which
we were glad, and returning, arrived by evening on board the ship.

[Footnote 84: Twenty stivers made one florin or guilder, and three
guilders one ducat.]

_18th, Tuesday._ One Mr. Lucas, the most rigid of the inspectors and
custom house officers, came on board this morning. We spoke to him,
told him what we had bought, and requested him to examine them. We
said we might buy something more and he could assess them all
together. He replied he did not wish to examine our chest, or what we
might have bought previously; but would go ashore with us and look at
what we had there. He told us also that he had a small piece or two of
stuffs, which, if we would buy, he would let us have at a bargain. We
went to Mr. Jacobs's where he looked over what we had bought. He told
us we had paid dear for them, although we thought we had bought them
cheap. Mr. Jacobs said he had a remnant of tin which he would sell us
for ten stivers a foot, and we had paid twelve for ours. We were
directed to pay Mr. Jacobs three shillings English for duties upon the
goods we had there, whenever we should have all our merchandise
together. Mr. Lucas went with us to a shop over the door of Mr.
Roggers, where he bought several things for us at a low price; he even
compelled the merchant almost to give us the goods for what he chose,
for the merchant did not dare to refuse or disoblige him. They were
always good purchases. He also brought us something of his own which
he sold us on favorable terms. I supposed these were confiscated
goods, which they wanted to get rid of, and that this was the reason
they were so accommodating to us.[85] Our purchases being completed,
he took us to an inn where we regaled him for the trouble he had taken
with the above-mentioned merchant. We were compelled this evening to
eat and sleep ashore, which we did at the inn, The Golden Fleece.

[Footnote 85: Falmouth customs officers had the right, or opportunity
by connivance of the government, to bring in some goods duty-free.]

We had heard a great deal said for some days past, and to-day, of
great danger from the Turks, who had taken four Dutch ships. This
caused no small apprehension in our ship, and especially in Mr. Jan.

_19th, Wednesday._ My companion wrote a letter home from on board the
ship. We did our best this whole day to get our little merchandise on
board, but without success, because it was not yet declared. However,
every thing concerning the ship and the lading was finished to-day;
and the passengers obtained the bills of their goods, and paid them.
Having accomplished nothing the whole day, we returned on board the

_20th, Thursday._ My comrade having finished the letters, we went on
shore to Mr. Roggers's, in order to post them in time, and paid the
postage to London. We bought also some brandy, vinegar and other
articles, for we began to see it would go slim with us on the voyage.
We were engaged the whole day in declaring our goods and carrying them
on board, which was completed early in the evening, and the goods
stowed away. We then paid Mr. Lucas a ducaton[86] for the duties on
our goods. He told us what the duties on the whole of the ship's cargo
amounted to, and gave us various other information, all very
willingly, because, after he heard that I was somewhat acquainted with
the wine business, he desired some particulars in regard to it from
me, which I gave him in writing to his satisfaction. We were now all

[Footnote 86: A Dutch silver coin, worth about $1.25.]

[Footnote 87: The _Charles_ set sail from Falmouth the next day, July
21, 1679. The account of the voyage is here omitted. It is a somewhat
interesting picture of the hardships, discomforts, and other incidents
of an Atlantic voyage in the seventeenth century, but it is
excessively long.]

[SEPTEMBER] _21st, Thursday._ The hatches of the hold were all opened
yesterday evening, and we began to make the cables fast to the
anchors, which we finished this morning. As soon as the sun rose,
every one climbed aloft in order to look for land and some of them
immediately cried out "land," but they soon discovered they were
mistaken. Our course was north, with the wind E.N.E. I said the land
we would see was in front of us, and we could not see it yet because
it was in latitude 40° 20´, and we had 39°, a difference of eighty
miles, and as we had sailed only from twenty-four to twenty-eight
miles at the most during the night, we were still fifty-two to
fifty-six miles off, and if we continued to sail as we were doing, it
would be noon or two o'clock before we would see it. I must say a word
here in relation to our cat; how she was always sick and lame for some
days before a storm, and could not walk, and when the storm was over,
was lively and nimble again. She had now been very playful for
several days, running here and there over the ship, but this morning
she was unusually gay. She came running with a spring, leaping into
the rigging and going far aloft, turning her head about and snuffing
the land, as much as to say, there is the land you should look out
for; and causing great laughter among the folks, who said the cat was
on the lookout for land. When she came down she mewed. But a thick fog
coming from the land, cut off all view and hopes of going inside, as
we turned at once from the shore. I obtained, however, the latitude,
to wit: 40° 5´. The distance was reckoned to be sixty-four miles. In
the mean time the deep lead was thrown many times, and 22, 21, 19, 17,
16, 14 fathoms of water found, at one time more and at another less,
for the bottom is uneven. We did this in order not to run ashore
during the fog. It, however, cleared away, and we wore over again, and
immediately saw the land distinctly, which caused new rejoicing. We
perceived clearly that we had been sailing, since yesterday, along the
shore, although it was too far off to be seen. Rentselaer's Hook,[88]
which adjoins Sandy Hook, was in front or north of us; and we had
sailed N.N.E. and N. by E. It was about one o'clock when we first saw
the land. It is not very high, but like a dome, only it is a little
higher. Long Island is not very high; Rentselaer's Hook, which is the
most westerly point of the bay, is the highest of all. Sandy Hook is
low, and stretches out about three miles eastwardly from Rentselaer's
Hook, and makes the channel. You must be close on Sandy Hook before
you can see Long Island. We intended to run in, but could not well do
so this evening, in consequence of the mist continually intercepting
the sight of the land. As the weather was calm, and the sea smooth, we
came to anchor, in thirteen fathoms of water, and lay there quietly
all night.

[Footnote 88: Navesink.]

_22d, Friday._ When the day began to break, they were all in an
uproar; but the weather continued misty, with a northeast wind, for
which reason we judged we could not make the channel. All those who
were so joyful and merry yesterday, were now more sober, as we were
compelled to keep off land, so as not to be caught on a lee shore,
from which it is very difficult to get away. The fog cleared up a
little about ten o'clock, and we sailed again towards the shore, when
we perceived we were approaching the west side. It rained a part of
the time, and was misty, so that sometimes we could only see the land
dimly, and for a moment, and Sandy Hook hardly at all. We durst not
yet venture to run in, and wore off again. About noon we saw a ketch
to the sea-ward of us, but we did not speak to her. She was laying her
course to the west. This coast surely is not very easy to enter,
especially in the autumn. Our captain had trouble enough, though our
mate did not agree with him. Sailing onward, we had 13, 14, 15, 16
fathoms of water, but very uneven bottom as we approached the shore.
We laid our course N.N.E. and N.E. by N. and from the shore, S.S.W.
and S. At four o'clock in the afternoon we determined to run in, if it
were possible. We could see the land a little better, and also
Rentselaer's Hook. Everybody, therefore, was very industrious, some in
looking after the sails, ropes and tackle, so as to be able to turn
and tack ship quickly; others were constantly on the lookout for land
and especially to discover Sandy Hook, in order to secure the best
channel which is next to that point; for not far from it, on the other
side, are the east banks, which are very dangerous. We did our best,
first in a calm, then with a little breeze, to enter. We caught sight
of Sandy Hook at last, but it was soon hid by the fog. We observed how
the land lay by the compass, and so sailed accordingly, expecting a
good flood tide which would begin to make at six o'clock. The deep
lead was thrown constantly, and we found five and four fathoms in the
shallowest places, near the channel. It was low water, and the wind
was N.E. and E.N.E., which took us soon inside, short around the point
of Sandy Hook, into the bay towards the highlands of Rentselaer's
Hook. Upon passing the Hook which was now west of us, we found deeper
water, 5, 6, 7 and 8 fathoms, and ran, as I have said, immediately for
the highlands, and came to anchor in ten fathoms of water, praising
the Lord again, and thankful for the many instances of His goodness
towards us. This is a very fine bay, where many ships can lie,
protected from all winds, except the S.E., which, however, cannot do
much damage, because the east banks lie before it; and at the worst,
the ship can only be driven in the wind. They determined this evening,
to go up early in the morning, in the jolly-boat, to Staten Island or
Long Island, for a pilot.

_23d, Saturday._ It rained the whole night. Our ship lay quiet as if
she were made fast to the piles at Amsterdam, which was very unusual
for us. The wind being west in the morning, they changed their
resolution of going up for a pilot, and as the wind was so favorable
determined to take her up themselves. The anchor was therefore raised,
and we sailed on, for the purpose of passing between Staten Island and
Long Island, where there are two high points of land, for that reason
called the _Hoofden_.[89] We turned gradually from Sandy Hook to the
right, in order to avoid the shoals of the east bank, and so sailed to
the Hoofden. We had a good flood tide, and four to five fathoms of
water at the shoalest part; but the wind shifted again to the north,
and we were compelled to tack, which rendered our progress slow, for
it was quite calm. Coming to the Hoofden, and between them, you have
10, 11, and 12 fathoms of water. As soon as you begin to approach the
land, you see not only woods, hills, dales, green fields and
plantations, but also the houses and dwellings of the inhabitants,
which afford a cheerful and sweet prospect after having been so long
upon the sea. When we came between the Hoofden, we saw some Indians on
the beach with a canoe, and others coming down the hill. As we tacked
about we came close to this shore, and called out to them to come on
board the ship, for some of the passengers intended to go ashore with
them; but the captain would not permit it, as he wished, he said, to
carry them, according to his contract, to the Manathans, though we
understood well why it was. The Indians came on board, and we looked
upon them with wonder. They are dull of comprehension, slow of speech,
bashful but otherwise bold of person, and red of skin. They wear
something in front, over the thighs, and a piece of duffels, like a
blanket, around the body, and this is all the clothing they have.
Their hair hangs down from their heads in strings, well smeared with
fat, and sometimes with quantities of little beads twisted in it out
of pride. They have thick lips and thick noses, but not fallen in like
the negroes, heavy eyebrows or eyelids, brown or black eyes, thick
tongues, and all of them black hair. But we will speak of these
things more particularly hereafter. After they had obtained some
biscuit, and had amused themselves a little, climbing and looking here
and there, they also received some brandy to taste, of which they
drank excessively, and threw it up again. They then went ashore in
their canoe, and we having a better breeze, sailed ahead handsomely.
As soon as you are through the Hoofden, you begin to see the city,
which presents a pretty sight. The fort, which lies upon the point
between two rivers, is somewhat higher; and as soon as they see a ship
coming up, they raise a flag on a high flag-staff, according to the
colors of the sovereign to whom they are subject, as accordingly they
now flew the flag of the king of England. We came up to the city about
three o'clock, where our ship was quickly overrun with people who came
from the shore in all sorts of craft, each one inquiring and searching
after his own, and his own profit. No custom-house officers came on
board, as in England, and the ship was all the time free of such
persons. We came to anchor, then, before the city at three o'clock.
Every one wanted to go ashore immediately. We let those most in a
hurry go before us, when, leaving our property in charge of Robyn,[90]
we also went in company with a passenger, named Gerrit,[91] who took
us to the house of his father-in-law, where we lodged.

[Footnote 89: "Headlands," at the Narrows.]

[Footnote 90: Robert Sinclair.]

[Footnote 91: Gerrit Evertsen van Duyn, carpenter and wheelwright,
emigrated in 1649 from Nieuwerkerk in Zeeland, married Jacomina,
daughter of Jacob Swarts Hellekers, lived mostly in New Utrecht and
Flatbush, and died in 1706. He had returned to the Netherlands in
1670, but was now coming out for good.]

It is not possible to describe how this bay swarms with fish, both
large and small, whales, tunnies and porpoises, whole schools of
innumerable other fish, which the eagles and other birds of prey
swiftly seize in their talons when the fish come up to the surface,
and hauling them out of the water, fly with them to the nearest woods
or beach, as we saw.

We had finally arrived where we had so long wished to be, but from
whence we were soon to depart, because we had come only to do the will
of Him who watches over us, and who after our longest voyage, will
cause us to arrive, by His favor, as it pleases Him. Meanwhile unto
Him be given all honor, and praise and glory for what He does, to all
eternity. Amen; yea, amen.

Leaving the ship on our arrival, it would seem proper that this
narrative concerning the voyage should here be brought to an end; but
as the sea over which we passed is wide and broad, and various things
are to be noted, which could only be found out in process of time, I
will here add them each by its kind.

_Observations upon the Sea and the Voyage._

1. I have uniformly found it true, that the bottom causes the change
in the color of the sea, and makes the color lighter or darker
according as it may happen to be; as we experienced from the beginning
to the end of our voyage. And this is the reason: the water of itself
has no color, but, as it is transparent, the bottom shows itself, such
as it is, through the clearness of the water, according to its depth;
but something must be allowed for the sky, clouds and other bodies in
the atmosphere, which, although they do not change the water,
nevertheless shine in it, and throw a shadow or reflection.

2. The banks or shoals of Newfoundland extend further south than they
are laid down on the charts, and as far as 36° or less of latitude, as
we observed from the color of the water, although it may be deeper
there than about Newfoundland.

3. There is a stream running from the river Amazon, in fact from Cape
----, along the coast of Guiana, through the Gulf of Mexico and the
channel of the Bahamas, along the coast of Florida, Virginia and New
Netherland, to the banks of Newfoundland, where, uniting with another
stream, coming from the north out of Davis's Strait and river St.
Lawrence, it goes again south, and afterwards S.W., to the Bermudas,
but mostly to the east of them, the particular causes and reasons of
which we will notice in its proper place.

4. This stream has its course along the gulfs, capes and bays of the
coast, the same as we experienced near or west of Cape Cod or Staten
Hook, where for two days successively, without headway on the ship,
and in a calm, we were carried by it a degree to the north. This
should be kept in mind, and one should regulate himself accordingly.

5. The storm of the Bermudas has been mentioned in its place.[92]

[Footnote 92: The mate told him, September 1, off the Bermudas, that
one never failed to have storms there; and that one dark night "it
seemed as if the air was full of strange faces with wonderful eyes
standing out of them" (_cf._ Shakespeare's _Tempest_); and then he
remembered to have read the same, in his youth, in a little book
called _De Silver Poort-Klock_ (The Silver Gate-Bell).]

6. I have heretofore exposed mistakes on the large plane chart, and it
is not material to enter further into that subject.

7. After we approached and passed the Bermudas the wind did not turn
round the compass with the sun, which happened to us four or five
times, and frequently does so, as is said by experienced persons.

8. Therefore, in navigating this passage for this place, it is best,
when there are no reasons to the contrary arising from the Turks[93]
or otherwise, to run just above or below the Azores, to latitude 34
and 33, and even to 32 and 31, in order to get into the stream, and
yet I also consider it well to sail to the eastward of these islands;
or if you avoid the Azores, then to sail from Newfoundland or its
latitude, due south, or S.S.E., to the before mentioned latitude; but,
in returning, it is best to follow the coast to Newfoundland, in order
to fall into the stream and wind. The home voyage is almost always the
shortest, inasmuch as the stream runs mostly along the coast.

[Footnote 93: Corsairs from North Africa, who at that time constantly
infested the seas near England and concerning whom the narrative of
the first part of the voyage shows frequent alarms.]

9. When a change occurs in the color of the water, and at other times,
the deep lead should be much used. It should be of 25 or 30 pounds
weight. The ship or vessel should lie as still as possible, or the
jolly-boat should be used, whether the lead be thrown with a certainty
as to where you may be, or for the discovery of other bottom.

10. In storms or hurricanes never be without stern-sails, however
small, unless you can sail before the wind, but no longer than that;
for it is too dangerous, and too uncomfortable, both for the ship and
the persons in her.

Some other observations in regard to the art of navigation and the
management of ships, of minor importance we will reserve for another

_The Persons with whom we made our Voyage._

Although this is such a miserable subject, that I deliberated long
whether it were worth while to take any notice of it, yet since one
does not know when a matter can be serviceable, I will nevertheless
say something.

The persons who belonged to the ship were:

The captain, Thomas Singelton, an Englishman, and a Quaker, from
London, I believe. He had his wife with him, who was quite young,
about 24 or 26 years old, and he was surely a person of 40 or 45. He
was not the best or most experienced seaman by a long distance. He was
proud and very assiduous or officious to please people, especially
Margaret and her man; yet he had some amiable qualities, he was
affable. He was stingy; for when many mackerel were caught, he would
not give one to the poor sailors; they all hung there and spoiled. He
was even displeased if the sailors came with their fish lines to fish
too near the place where he was, because the fish might come to their
lines instead of his. His wife was a young, worldly creature, who had
not the least glimmer of Quakerism, of which nevertheless she made
profession, but entirely resembled an English lady fashioned somewhat
upon the Dutch model. She was so proud that she wore much silver and
gold; and when Margaret once spoke to him about it, he said, "I did
not give it to her." Whereupon Margaret asked, "Why did you give her
money to buy them?" To which he replied, "She wanted it."

The English mate, who afterwards became captain, was a passionate
person, inwardly still more than he showed outwardly, a great
man-pleaser where his interest was to be promoted. He was very close,
but was compelled to be much closer in order to please Margaret.

The Dutch mate, Evert, was a wicked, impious fellow, who also drank
freely. He was very proud of his knowledge and experience, which were
none of the greatest.

The boatswain, Abram, of Plymouth, was rough and wicked in his orders,
but he was a strong and able seaman. Robyn was the best.

I cannot permit myself to go further; it is too unpleasant a subject.

The passengers and crew were a wretched set. There was no rest, night
or day, especially among the wives--a rabble I cannot describe. Day
and night without cessation it was as if one were in the fish market
or apple market, where, indeed, some of them had obtained their
living, or as if indeed one were in still worse places. There were
nine or ten of them always together. Among the men there were some who
drank like beasts, yes, drank themselves dead drunk, as you may judge
from the fact that two or three of them drank 3-1/2 ankers[94] of
brandy, from the time we left England or Holland, besides the wine
which they had with them--it is too horrible. As to Margaret and Jan,
it is not to be told what miserable people Margaret and Jan were, and
especially their excessive covetousness. In fine, it was a Babel. I
have never in my life heard of such a disorderly ship. It was
confusion without end. I have never been in a ship where there was so
much vermin, which were communicated to us, and especially not a few
to me, because being in the cordage at night I particularly received
them. There were those whose bunks and clothes were as full as if they
had been sown. But I must forbear.

[Footnote 94: An anker was about ten gallons.]

When we first came on board the ship we ate where we were, and with
those we found there, but afterwards the messes were regulated, and we
were placed on deck with five or six uncouth youngsters; where,
nevertheless, we continued. This so exercised the other passengers,
seeing us submit so willingly, that they themselves could no longer
endure it, and desired us to come with them, and make a mess of eight.
We had been compelled to buy our stores in England, as what we had
were spoiled, or not sufficient. There was not a bit of butter or
vinegar on the food during the whole voyage, except what we had
purchased at Falmouth. I do not know how long it was we had nothing to
eat except heads of salt fish, and those spoiled for the most part. We
had to eat them till they were thrown overboard. Most of the time we
had white peas, which our cook was too lazy to clean, or were boiled
in stinking water, and when they were brought on the table we had to
throw them away. The meat was old and tainted; the pork passable, but
enormously thick, as much as six inches; and the bread was mouldy or
wormy. We had a ration of beer three times a day to drink at table.
The water smelt very bad, which was the fault of the captain. When we
left England they called us to eat in the cabin, but it was only a
change of place and nothing more. Each meal was dished up three times
in the cabin, first for the eight passengers, then for the captain,
mate and wife, who sometimes did not have as good as we had, and
lastly for Margaret and Mr. Jan, who had prepared for them hardly any
thing else except poultry and the like. But this is enough.

After we left England, I took upon myself, out of love of the thing,
and because there were so few persons to work the ship, namely, ten in
all, including the captain, to watch and attend the rudder, as well as
to make observations in navigation; but when I perceived the sailors,
on this account, became lazy and depended upon me, I left the
rudder-gang. Nevertheless, when an English ship came near running us
down in the watch off Cape Cod, causing thereby much uproar and
confusion in our ship, I did my best to unfasten a rope which they
could not make loose, at which the mate raved and swore, and for which
he would have almost struck or killed me. When my comrade heard of it
he wished me not to do any thing more, and that was my opinion. I
could not, however, refrain from helping to the last, but I abandoned
the watch, and so caused the mate to feel that we were not insensible,
for there was nothing else to be done to him. He, nevertheless,
invited us daily more than any one else. Finally, when the voyage was
completed, there was no one, either captain, or mate, or sailor, or
Margaret, who said "We thank you," except our poor Robyn. We had a
little package put in the ship at Falmouth, about a foot and a half
square, on which the captain charged us four guilders freight, in the
money of Holland. We represented to Margaret how we had managed with
only one chest between us, although each passenger was entitled to
have one of his own, but it was all to no purpose. Four guilders it
must be. It was not that we had any difficulty in giving it, but it
was only to be convinced of her unblushing avarice. The mate's wife
was the least evil-inclined, and listened most to what was said to
her, which we hope will bear fruit. We have truly conducted ourselves
towards all in general and each one in particular, so that not only
has every one reason to be edified and convinced, but, by the grace of
God, every one renders us testimony that we have edified and convinced
them as well by our lives as our conversation. Let Him alone who is
the author of all grace, receive therefore all the glory, to all
eternity. Amen.[95]

[Footnote 95: After this the original manuscript begins a new
pagination. See introduction to this book.]


     _From the Time of our Arrival until our Departure for the

Having then fortunately arrived, by the blessing of the Lord, before
the city of New York, on Saturday, the 23d day of September, we
stepped ashore about four o'clock in the afternoon, in company with
Gerrit, our fellow passenger, who would conduct us in this strange
place. He had lived here a long time and had married his wife here,
although she and his children were living at present at Zwol.[96] We
went along with him, but as he met many of his old acquaintances on
the way, we were constantly stopped. He first took us to the house of
one of his friends, who welcomed him and us, and offered us some of
the fruit of the country, very fine peaches and full grown apples,
which filled our hearts with thankfulness to God. This fruit was
exceedingly fair and good, and pleasant to the taste; much better than
that in Holland or elsewhere, though I believe our long fasting and
craving of food made it so agreeable. After taking a glass of Madeira,
we proceeded on to Gerrit's father-in-law's, a very old man, half
lame, and unable either to walk or stand, who fell upon the neck of
his son-in-law, welcoming him with tears of joy. The old woman was
also very glad. This good man was born in Vlissingen, and was named
Jacob Swart.[97] He had been formerly a master carpenter at Amsterdam,
but had lived in this country upwards of forty-five years. After we
had been here a little while, we left our travelling bag, and went out
to take a walk in the fields. It was strange to us to feel such
stability under us, although it seemed as if the earth itself moved
under our feet as the ship had done for three months past, and our
body also still swayed after the manner of the rolling of the sea; but
this sensation gradually passed off in the course of a few days. As we
walked along we saw in different gardens trees full of apples of
various kinds, and so laden with peaches and other fruit that one
might doubt whether there were more leaves or fruit on them. I have
never seen in Europe, in the best seasons, such an overflowing
abundance. When we had finished our tour and given our guide several
letters to deliver, we returned to his father-in-law's, who regaled us
in the evening with milk, which refreshed us much. We had so many
peaches set before us that we were timid about eating them, though we
experienced no ill effects from them. We remained there to sleep,
which was the first time in nine or ten weeks that we had lain down
upon a bed undressed, and able to yield ourselves to sleep without
apprehension of danger.

[Footnote 96: Zwolle in the Netherlands.]

[Footnote 97: _I.e._, "black Jacob." His name was Jacob Hellekers, and
his house, in which the Labadists lodged while in New York, stood
where now stands no. 255 Pearl Street, near Fulton Street.]

_24th, Sunday._ We rested well through the night. I was surprised on
waking up to find my comrade had already dressed himself and
breakfasted upon peaches. We walked out awhile in the fine, pure
morning air, along the margin of the clear running water of the sea,
which is driven up this river at every tide. As it was Sunday, in
order to avoid scandal and for other reasons, we did not wish to
absent ourselves from church. We therefore went, and found there truly
a wild worldly world. I say wild, not only because the people are
wild, as they call it in Europe, but because almost all the people who
go there to live, or who are born there, partake somewhat of the
nature of the country, that is, peculiar to the land where they live.
We heard a minister preach, who had come from the up-river country,
from Fort Orange, where his residence is, an old man, named Domine
Schaets,[98] of Amsterdam. He was, it appears, a Voetian, and had come
down for the purpose of approving, examining, ordaining and collating
a student; to perform which office the neighboring ministers come
here, as to the capital, and in order that the collation may be
approved by the governor, who, at this time, was not at home, but was
at Pemequick, in the northerly parts of New England.[99] This student,
named Tessemaker, from Utrecht, I believe, was a Voetian, and had
found some obstacles in his way, because the other ministers were all
Cocceians, namely: Do. Niewenhuisen, of [New] Amsterdam, the one of
Long Island, and Do. Gaesbeck, of Esopus, whose son is sheriff of this
city. He was to minister at the South River, near the governor there,
or in the principal place, as he himself told us. The governor was
expected home every day, and then Tessemaker supposed he would be

[Footnote 98: Rev. Gideon Schaets was settled as pastor at
Rensselaerswyck in 1652, later at Beverwyck and Albany, continuing in
service there till he died in 1694, aged 86. Peter Tesschenmaker had
come up from Dutch Guiana, and had supplied the pulpits at Esopus and
at Newcastle on the South River (Delaware River), for about a year in
each place. The history of his formal call, examination, ordination in
October, 1679, and appointment, is set forth in _Ecclesiastical
Records of New York_, I. 724-735. The only three other Dutch Reformed
ministers in the Province at this time were those named below: Rev.
Wilhelmus van Nieuwenhuysen of New York (1672--d. 1681), Rev. Casparus
van Zuuren of Flushing, Brooklyn, and Flatlands (1677-1685), and Rev.
Laurentius Gaasbeeck of Esopus (1678--d. February, 1680).]

[Footnote 99: Pemaquid, on the coast of Maine, where this governor had
built a fort in 1677, on territory embraced in the Duke of York's
patent. The governor was Sir Edmund Andros (1674-1681). He visited
Pemaquid in the autumn of 1679. He was of course nowise subordinate to
the governor of Jamaica.]

The governor is the greatest man in New Netherland, and acknowledges
no superior in all America, except the viceroy, who resides upon

This Schaets, then, preached. He had a defect in the left eye, and
used such strange gestures and language that I think I never in all my
life have heard any thing more miserable; indeed, I can compare him
with no one better than with one D. van Ecke, lately the minister at
Armuyden, in Zeeland, more in life, conversation and gestures than in
person. As it is not strange in these countries to have men as
ministers who drink, we could imagine nothing else than that he had
been drinking a little this morning. His text was, "Come unto me all
ye," etc., but he was so rough that even the roughest and most godless
of our sailors were astonished.

The church being in the fort, we had an opportunity to look through
the latter, as we had come too early for preaching. It is not large;
it has four points or batteries; it has no moat outside, but is
enclosed with a double row of palisades. It is built from the
foundation with quarry stone. The parapet is of earth. It is well
provided with cannon, for the most part of iron, though there were
some small brass pieces, all bearing the mark or arms of the
Netherlanders. The garrison is small. There is a well of fine water
dug in the fort by the English, contrary to the opinion of the Dutch,
who supposed the fort was built upon rock, and had therefore never
attempted any such thing. There is, indeed, some indication of stone
there, for along the edge of the water below the fort there is a very
large rock extending apparently under the fort, which is built upon
the point formed by the two rivers, namely, the East River, which is
the water running between the Mahatans and Long Island, and the North
River, which runs straight up to Fort Orange. In front of the fort, on
the Long Island side, there is a small island called Noten Island (Nut
Island),[100] around the point of which vessels must go in sailing out
or in, whereby they are compelled to pass close by the point of the
fort, where they can be flanked by several of the batteries. It has
only one gate, and that is on the land side, opening upon a broad
plain or street, called the Broadway or Beaverway. Over this gate are
the arms of the Duke of York. During the time of the Dutch there were
two gates, namely, another on the water side; but the English have
closed it, and made a battery there, with a false gate. In front of
the church is inscribed the name of Governor Kyft, who caused the same
to be built in the year 1642.[101] It has a shingled roof, and upon
the gable towards the water there is a small wooden tower, with a bell
in it, but no clock. There is a sun-dial on three sides. The front of
the fort stretches east and west, and consequently the sides run north
and south.

[Footnote 100: Governor's Island.]

[Footnote 101: The inscription, on a stone extant till 1835, is here
quoted almost literally. It ran, "Anno Domini 1642, W. Kieft, director
general, has caused the commonalty to build this temple." Willem Kieft
was director-general of New Netherland from 1638 to 1647. A plan of
town and fort may be seen at p. 420 of _Narratives of New Netherland_,
in this series.]

After we had returned to the house and dined, my comrade not wishing
to go to church, sat about writing letters, as there was a ship, of
which André Bon was master, about to leave in a few days for London;
but in order that we should not be both absent from church, and as the
usual minister[102] was to preach in the afternoon, I went alone to
hear him. He was a thick, corpulent person with a red and bloated
face, and of very slabbering speech. His text was, the elders who
serve well, etc., because the elders and deacons were that day
renewed, and I saw them admitted. After preaching, the good old people
with whom we lodged, who, indeed, if they were not the best on all the
Manathans, were at least among the best, especially the wife, begged
we would go with their son Gerrit to one of their daughters, who lived
in a delightful place, and kept a tavern, where we would be able to
taste the beer of New Netherland, inasmuch as it was also a
brewery.[103] Some of their friends passing by requested Gerrit and us
to accompany them, and so we went for the purpose of seeing what was
to be seen; but when we arrived there, we found ourselves much
deceived. On account of its being to some extent a pleasant spot, it
was resorted to on Sundays by all sorts of revellers, and was a low
pot-house. Our company immediately found acquaintances there and
joined them, but it being repugnant to our feelings to be there, we
walked into the orchard to seek pleasure in contemplating the innocent
objects of nature. Among other trees we observed a mulberry tree, the
leaves of which were as large as a plate. The wife showed us pears
larger than the fist, picked from a three year's graft which had borne
forty of them. A great storm of rain coming up in the evening
compelled us to go into the house, where we did not remain long with
the others, but took our leave of them, against their wishes. We
retraced our steps in the dark, exploring a way over which we had gone
only once in our life, through a salt meadow and over water, upon the
trunk of a tree. We nevertheless reached home, having left the others
in their revels. While in their company we conversed with the first
male born of Europeans in New Netherland, named Jean Vigné. His
parents were from Valenciennes and he was now about sixty-five years
of age. He was a brewer and a neighbor of our old people.[104] When we
had come back we said to our old woman what it was fitting should be
said to her, regarding her daughter and her employment, in order to
free our minds, though she herself was quite innocent in respect to

[Footnote 102: Nieuwenhuysen. The text is in I Timothy v. 17, "Let the
elders that rule well, be accounted worthy of double honor."]

[Footnote 103: Rebecca, daughter of Jacob Hellekers's wife by her
former husband, was married to Arie or Adrian Corneliszen, who had a
license to sell wines and other liquors, and lived a little out of
town, beyond the Fresh Water.]

[Footnote 104: Jean Vigné had in previous years been four times one of
the schepens, or municipal councillors, of New Amsterdam. If he was
born in New Netherland in or about 1614, there must have been at least
one European woman in the colony at an earlier date than has been
supposed, namely, back in the years of the first Dutch trading along
that coast. But many things concerning the earliest years of New
Netherland must remain in uncertainty until the publication of a
certain group of documents of that period, evidently important, which
were sold in 1910 by Muller of Amsterdam and are now in private
possession in New York, and withheld from public knowledge.]

A ketch came in from sea this evening, of which David Jochemsen was
the master. She left England three weeks before us, and was the same
one we saw the day we came in. The captain said he recollected to have
seen us, but observing us tacking several times, he did not dare
follow us, for fear of being misled.

_25th, Monday._ We went on board the ship this morning in order to
obtain our travelling bag and clothes for the purpose of having them
washed, but when we came on board we could not get ashore again,
before the afternoon, when the passengers' goods were to be delivered.
All our goods which were between decks, were taken ashore and carried
to the public storehouse, where they had to be examined; but some time
elapsed before it was done in consequence of the examiners being
elsewhere. At length, however, one Abraham Lennoy,[105] a good fellow
apparently, befriended us. He examined our chest only, without
touching our bedding or any thing else. I showed him a list of the tin
which we had in the upper part of our chest, and he examined it and
also the tin, and turned up a little more what was in the chest, and
with that left off, without looking at it closely. He demanded four
English shillings for the tin, remarking at the same time, that he had
observed some other small articles, but would not examine them
closely, though he had not seen either the box or the pieces of linen.
This being finished we sent our goods in a cart to our lodgings,
paying for the two heavy chests and straw beds, and other goods from
the public storehouse, to the Smit's Valey[106] (which is about as
far as from the Elve to Wilken's house),[107] sixteen stuivers of
zeawan, equal to three stuivers and a half in the money of
Holland.[108] This finished the day and we retired to rest.

[Footnote 105: Abraham de la Noy was a schoolmaster. See _post_, p.
63, note 2. Probably the writer means Peter de la Noy, who was clerk
under the collector of the port. Later he was one of the chief
supporters of Leisler.]

[Footnote 106: The Smith's Flats, a tract of low-lying land along the
East River, outside the palisade of the town, and extending from
present Wall Street to Beekman.]

[Footnote 107: Perhaps a reminiscence from the days (1671-1675) when
the Labadists lived on the Elbe, at Altona.]

[Footnote 108: The stiver of Holland money was equivalent to two
cents. Six white beads of wampum to the stiver was the rate
established by authority in 1673.]

_26th, Tuesday._ We remained at home for the purpose of writing, but
in the afternoon finding that many goods had been discharged from the
ship, we went to look after our little package, which also came. I
declared it, and it was examined. I had to pay 24 guilders in zeawan
or five guilders in the coin of Holland. I brought it to the house and
looked the things all over, rejoicing that we were finally rid of that
miserable set and the ship, the freight only remaining to be paid,
which was fixed at four guilders in coin. We went first to Margaret in
relation to the freight, who said she had nothing more to do with it,
and that we must speak to her husband about it, which it was not
convenient to do that evening, and we therefore let it go, waiting for
an opportunity to speak to her and her husband with the captain and
perhaps also Mr. Jan.

_27th, Wednesday._ Nothing occurred to-day except that I went to
assist Gerrit in bringing his goods home, and declaring them, which we
did. We heard that one of the wicked and godless sailors had broken
his leg; and in this we saw and acknowledged the Lord and His
righteousness. We visited Jean Vigné in order, as he was one of the
oldest inhabitants, to obtain from him information on various matters
relating to the country.

_28th, Thursday._ We remained at home to-day. I performed some little
errands. Monsr. de La Grange[109] called upon us, dressed up like a
great fop, as he was. My comrade did not fail to speak to him
seriously on the subject. He requested us to go with him immediately
to his house, as I at length did. His house was not far from our
lodgings on the front of the city. He had a small shop, as almost all
the people here have, who gain their living by trade, namely, in
tobacco and liquors, thread and pins and other knick-knacks. His wife
welcomed me, and instantly requested that we would come to their house
and stay there as long as we were here, for which I thanked them. They
had lost a child by the small pox, and they had been sick with the
same disease. He said he intended to go to the South River[110] within
three weeks, and hearing we were inclined to travel, he desired our
company, being willing to take us everywhere and to give us every
information. I thanked him, but gave him no assurances, telling him we
would see what the Lord would will of us.

[Footnote 109: Arnoldus de la Grange and his wife Cornelia (Fonteyn),
resident at this time in New York, removed soon after to Newcastle, on
the Delaware River, where he had various tracts of land and where he
in 1681 erected a windmill. In 1684-1685 he was concerned in the
purchase from Augustine Herrman of land in Bohemia Manor for the
Labadist settlement, and later is found as a member of their

[Footnote 110: Delaware River.]

_29th, Friday._ We finished our letters, and intended to go to-day
over to Long Island. At noon a person came to us in our chamber and
requested that we would be pleased to go to their minister, who was in
the next house, as he was desirous of seeing and conversing with us,
having already heard much good of us. We excused ourselves on the
ground that we were busy writing, endeavoring to finish our letters,
in order, if it were possible, to go over to Long Island in the
afternoon, with which he went away.

As soon as we had dined we sent off our letters; and this being all
accomplished, we started at two o'clock for Long Island. This island
is called Long Island, not so much because it is longer than it is
broad, but particularly because it is the longest island in this
region, or even along the whole coast of New Netherland, Virginia and
New England. It is one hundred and forty-four miles in length, and
from twenty-four to twenty-eight miles wide, though there are several
bays and points along it, and, consequently, it is much broader in
some places than others. On the west is Staten Island, from which it
is separated about a mile, and the great bay over which you see the
Nevesincke. With Staten Island it makes the passage through which all
vessels pass in sailing from or to the Mahatans, although they can go
through the Kil van Kol, which is on the other side of Staten Island.
The ends of these islands opposite each other are quite high land,
and they are, therefore, called the Hoofden (Headlands), from a
comparison with the Hoofden of the channel between England and France,
in Europe. On the north is the island of Mahatans and a part of the
mainland. On the east is the sea, which shoots up to New England, and
in which there are various islands. On the south is the great ocean.
The outer shore of this island has before it several small islands and
broken land, such as Coninen [Coney] Island, a low sandy island of
about three hours' circuit, its westerly point forming with Sandy
Hook, on the other side, the entrance from the sea. It is oblong in
shape, and is grown over with bushes. Nobody lives upon it, but it is
used in winter for keeping cattle, horses, oxen, hogs and others,
which are able to obtain there sufficient to eat the whole winter, and
to shelter themselves from the cold in the thickets. This island is
not so cold as Long Island or the Mahatans, or others, like some other
islands on the coast, in consequence of their having more sea breeze,
and of the saltness of the sea breaking upon the shoals, rocks and
reefs, with which the coast is beset. There is also the Bear's Island
and others, separated from Long Island by creeks and marshes overflown
at high water.[111] There are also on this sea coast various miry
places, like the Vlaeck, and others as well as some sand bays and hard
and rocky shores. Long Island stretches into the sea for the most part
east by south and east-southeast. None of its land is very high, for
you must be nearly opposite Sandy Hook before you can see it. There is
a hill or ridge running lengthwise through the island, nearest the
north side and west end of the island. The south side and east end are
more flat. The water by which it is separated from the Mahatans, is
improperly called the East River, for it is nothing else than an arm
of the sea, beginning in the bay on the west and ending in the sea on
the east. After forming in this passage several islands, this water is
as broad before the city as the Y before Amsterdam, but the ebb and
flood tides are stronger. There is a ferry for the purpose of crossing
over it, which is farmed out by the year, and yields a good income, as
it is a considerable thoroughfare, this island being one of the most
populous places in this vicinity. A considerable number of Indians
live upon it, who gain their subsistence by hunting and fishing, and
they, as well as others, must carry their articles to market over this
ferry, or boat them over, as it is free to every one to use his own
boat, if he have one, or to borrow or hire one for the purpose. The
fare over the ferry is three stuivers in _zeewan_[112] for each

[Footnote 111: Beeren Eylandt, afterward called Barren Island, lay
east of Coney Island, between it and Jamaica Bay. Vlaeck means "the

[Footnote 112: Less than half a cent.]

Here we three crossed over, my comrade, Gerrit, our guide, and myself,
in a row-boat, as it happened, which, in good weather and tide,
carries a sail. When we came over we found there Jan Teunissen, our
fellow passenger, who had promised us so much good. He was going over
to the city, to deliver his letters and transact other business. He
told us he would return home in the evening, and we would find him
there. We went on, up the hill, along open roads and a little woods,
through the first village, called Breukelen, which has a small and
ugly little church standing in the middle of the road.[113] Having
passed through here, we struck off to the right, in order to go to
Gouanes. We went upon several plantations where Gerrit was acquainted
with almost all of the people, who made us very welcome, sharing with
us bountifully whatever they had, whether it was milk, cider, fruit or
tobacco, and especially, and first and most of all, miserable rum or
brandy which had been brought from Barbados and other islands, and
which is called by the Dutch _kill-devil_. All these people are very
fond of it, and most of them extravagantly so, although it is very
dear and has a bad taste. It is impossible to tell how many peach
trees we passed, all laden with fruit to breaking down, and many of
them actually broken down. We came to a place surrounded with such
trees from which so many had fallen off that the ground could not be
discerned, and you could not put your foot down without trampling
them; and, notwithstanding such large quantities had fallen off, the
trees still were as full as they could bear. The hogs and other
animals mostly feed on them. This place belongs to the oldest European
woman in the country. We went immediately into her house, where she
lived with her children. We found her sitting by the fire, smoking
tobacco incessantly, one pipe after another. We enquired after her
age, which the children told us was an hundred years. She was from
Luyck [Liège], and still spoke good Wals.[114] She could reason very
well sometimes, and at other times she could not. She showed us
several large apples, as good fruit of that country, and different
from that of Europe. She had been about fifty years now in the
country, and had above seventy children and grandchildren. She saw the
third generation after her. Her mother had attended women in child-bed
in her one hundred and sixth year, and was one hundred and eleven or
twelve years old when she died. We tasted here, for the first time,
smoked _twaelft_ [twelfth], a fish so called because it is caught in
season next after the _elft_ [eleventh].[115] It was salted a little
and then smoked, and, although it was now a year old, it was still
perfectly good, and in flavor not inferior to smoked salmon. We drank
here, also, the first new cider, which was very fine.

[Footnote 113: The second church building in Brooklyn, erected in
1666, and standing till 1766. It stood in the middle of what is now
Fulton Street, near Lawrence Street. Gowanus was a distinct hamlet to
the southward from Breukelen.]

[Footnote 114: French of the Walloon variety. See p. 70, note 1,

[Footnote 115: Striped bass and shad, respectively. In reality the
word _elft_ has nothing to do with _eleven_, for _elft_ = Fr. _alose_
or Eng. _allice_.]

We proceeded on to Gouanes, a place so called, where we arrived in the
evening at one of the best friends of Gerrit, named Symon.[116] He was
very glad to see us, and so was his wife. He took us into the house,
and entertained us exceedingly well. We found a good fire, half-way up
the chimney, of clear oak and hickory, which they made not the least
scruple of burning profusely. We let it penetrate us thoroughly. There
had been already thrown upon it, to be roasted, a pail-full of Gouanes
oysters, which are the best in the country. They are fully as good as
those of England, and better than those we ate at Falmouth. I had to
try some of them raw. They are large and full, some of them not less
than a foot long, and they grow sometimes ten, twelve and sixteen
together, and are then like a piece of rock. Others are young and
small. In consequence of the great quantities of them, everybody keeps
the shells for the purpose of burning them into lime. They pickle the
oysters in small casks, and send them to Barbados and the other
islands. We had for supper a roasted haunch of venison, which he had
bought of the Indians for three guilders and a half of _seewant_, that
is, fifteen stivers of Dutch money,[117] and which weighed thirty
pounds. The meat was exceedingly tender and good, and also quite fat.
It had a slight spicy flavor. We were also served with wild turkey,
which was also fat and of a good flavor; and a wild goose, but that
was rather dry. Everything we had was the natural production of the
country. We saw here, lying in a heap, a whole hill of water-melons,
which were as large as pumpkins, and which Symon was going to take to
the city to sell. They were very good, though there is a difference
between them and those of the Caribbee Islands; but this may be owing
to its being late in the season, and these were the last pulling. It
was very late at night when we went to rest in a kermis bed, as it is
called,[118] in the corner of the hearth, along side of a good fire.

[Footnote 116: This settler was Simon Aertsen De Hart, who came to New
Netherland in 1664 and settled at Gowanus Cove. The house in which he
entertained the travellers was till lately still standing, near
Thirty-ninth Street, west of Third Avenue, Brooklyn, but was destroyed
to make room for the terminal buildings of the Thirty-ninth Street
ferry. A picture of it as it appeared in 1867 is plate XII. in Mr.
Murphy's edition of this journal.]

[Footnote 117: Thirty cents.]

[Footnote 118: Shake-down, bed on the floor.]

_30th, Saturday._ Early this morning the husband and wife set off for
the city with their marketing; and we, having explored the land in the
vicinity, left after breakfast. We went a part of the way through a
wood and fine, new made land, and so along the shore to the west end
of the island called Najack.[119] As we proceeded along the shore, we
found, among other curiosities, a highly marbled stone, very hard, in
which we saw muscovy glass[120] lying in layers between the clefts,
and how it was struck or cut out. We broke off a small piece with some
difficulty, and picked out a little glass in the splits. Continuing
onward from there, we came to the plantation of the Najack Indians,
which was planted with maize, or Turkish wheat. We soon heard a noise
of pounding, like thrashing, and went to the place whence it
proceeded, and found there an old Indian woman busily employed beating
Turkish beans out of the pods by means of a stick, which she did
with astonishing force and dexterity. Gerrit inquired of her, in the
Indian language, which he spoke perfectly well, how old she was, and
she answered eighty years; at which we were still more astonished that
so old a woman should still have so much strength and courage to work
as she did. We went from thence to her habitation, where we found the
whole troop together, consisting of seven or eight families, and
twenty or twenty-two persons, I should think. Their house was low and
long, about sixty feet long and fourteen or fifteen feet wide. The
bottom was earth, the sides and roof were made of reed and the bark of
chestnut trees; the posts, or columns, were limbs of trees stuck in
the ground, and all fastened together. The top, or ridge of the roof
was open about half a foot wide, from one end to the other, in order
to let the smoke escape, in place of a chimney. On the sides, or
walls, of the house, the roof was so low that you could hardly stand
under it. The entrances, or doors, which were at both ends, were so
small and low that they had to stoop down and squeeze themselves to
get through them. The doors were made of reed or flat bark. In the
whole building there was no lime, stone, iron or lead. They build
their fire in the middle of the floor, according to the number of
families which live in it, so that from one end to the other each of
them boils its own pot, and eats when it likes, not only the families
by themselves, but each Indian alone, according as he is hungry, at
all hours, morning, noon and night. By each fire are the cooking
utensils, consisting of a pot, a bowl, or calabash, and a spoon also
made of a calabash. These are all that relate to cooking. They lie
upon mats with their feet towards the fire, on each side of it. They
do not sit much upon any thing raised up, but, for the most part, sit
on the ground or squat on their ankles. Their other household articles
consists of a calabash of water, out of which they drink, a small
basket in which to carry and keep their maize and small beans, and a
knife. The implements are, for tillage, a small, sharp stone, and
nothing more; for hunting, a gun and pouch for powder and lead; for
fishing, a canoe without mast or sail, and without a nail in any part
of it, though it is sometimes full forty feet in length, fish hooks
and lines, and scoops to paddle with in place of oars. I do not know
whether there are not some others of a trifling nature. All who live
in one house are generally of one stock or descent, as father and
mother with their offspring. Their bread is maize, pounded in a block
by a stone, but not fine. This is mixed with water, and made into a
cake, which they bake under the hot ashes. They gave us a small piece
when we entered, and although the grains were not ripe, and it was
half baked and coarse grains, we nevertheless had to eat it, or, at
least, not throw it away before them, which they would have regarded
as a great sin, or a great affront. We chewed a little of it _with
long teeth_, and managed to hide it so they did not see it. We had
also to drink out of their calabashes the water which was their drink,
and which was very good. We saw here the Indians who came on board the
ship when we arrived. They were all very joyful at the visit of our
Gerrit, who was an old acquaintance of theirs, and had heretofore long
resided about there. We presented them with two jewsharps, which much
pleased them, and they immediately commenced to play upon them, which
they could do tolerably well. Some of their _patroons_ (chiefs), some
of whom spoke good Dutch, and are also their medicine-men and surgeons
as well as their teachers, were busy making shoes of deer leather,
which they understand how to make soft by continually working it in
their hands. They had dogs, fowls and hogs, which they learn by
degrees from the Europeans how to manage better. They had, also, peach
trees, which were well laden. Towards the last, we asked them for some
peaches, and they answered, "Go and pick them," which showed their
politeness. However, in order not to offend them, we went off and
pulled some. Although they are such a poor, miserable people, they
are, nevertheless, licentious and proud, and given to knavery and
scoffing. Seeing a very old woman among them, we inquired how old she
was, when some young fellows, laughing and jeering, answered twenty
years, while it was evident to us she was not less than an hundred. We
observed here the manner in which they travel with their children, a
woman having one which she carried on her back. The little thing clung
tight around her neck like a cat, where it was kept secure by means of
a piece of daffels, their usual garment. Its head, back and buttocks
were entirely flat. How that happened to be so we will relate
hereafter, as we now only make mention of what we saw.

[Footnote 119: Pronounced Nyack; the region around the present site of
Fort Hamilton, on the eastern side of the Narrows. It was at that time
largely surrounded by a marsh and hence is referred to in the text as
an island.]

[Footnote 120: Mica.]

These Indians live on the land of Jaques ----, brother-in-law of
Gerrit.[121] He bought the land from them in the first instance, and
then let them have a small corner, for which they pay him twenty
bushels of maize yearly, that is, ten bags. Jaques had first bought
the whole of Najack from these Indians, who were the lords thereof,
and lived upon the land, which is a large place, and afterwards bought
it _again_, in parcels. He was unwilling to drive the Indians from the
land, and has therefore left them a corner of it, keeping the best of
it himself.[122] We arrived then upon the land of this Jaques, which
is all good, and yields large crops of wheat and other grain. It is of
a blackish color, but not clayey, and almost like the garden mould I
have seen in Holland. At length we reached the house of this Jaques,
where we found Monsr. de La Grange, who had come there in search of
us, to inform us further concerning his departure for the South River,
and to take us to his house. We spoke to him in regard to this and
other matters, as was proper, and shortly afterwards he left. This
Jaques ---- is a man advanced in years. He was born in Utrecht, but of
French parents, as we could readily discover from all his actions,
looks and language. He had studied philosophy in his youth, and spoke
Latin and good French. He was a mathematician and sworn land-surveyor.
He had also formerly learned several sciences, and had some knowledge
of medicine. But the worst of it was, he was a good Cartesian,[123]
and not a good Christian, regulating himself, and all externals, by
reason and justice only; nevertheless, he regulated all things better
by these principles than most people in these parts do, who bear the
name of Christians or pious persons. His brother-in-law and ourselves
were welcomed by him and his wife. He treated us with every civility,
although two of his sons being sick, and he very much confined in
attending upon them, he was much interrupted in attending to us, since
they more than we afflicted his head and that of his wife. We went
looking around the country, and towards evening came to the village of
New Utrecht, so named by him. This village was burned down some time
ago, with every thing about it, including the house of this man, which
was almost half an hour distant from it.[124] Many persons were
impoverished by the fire. It was now almost all rebuilt, and many good
stone houses were erected, of which Jaques's was one, where we
returned by another road to spend the night. After supper, we went to
sleep in the barn, upon some straw spread with sheep-skins, in the
midst of the continual grunting of hogs, squealing of pigs, bleating
and coughing of sheep, barking of dogs, crowing of cocks, cackling of
hens, and, especially, a goodly quantity of fleas and vermin, of no
small portion of which we were participants; and all with an open barn
door, through which a fresh northwest wind was blowing. Though we
could not sleep, we could not complain, inasmuch as we had the same
quarters and kind of bed that their own son usually had, who had now
on our arrival crept in the straw behind us.

[Footnote 121: Jacques Cortelyou. He came out from Utrecht as tutor to
the children of Cornelis van Werckhoven, to whom this New Utrecht
tract was first granted by the Dutch West India Company. He became the
official surveyor of the province, made in 1660 a map of New
Netherland, and founded New Utrecht, on Long island, and a settlement
in New Jersey.]

[Footnote 122: There is probably here some confusion between the
original grant to van Werckhoven and subsequent regrants to

[Footnote 123: Follower of René Descartes (1596-1650), the celebrated
French philosopher and mathematician, founder of Cartesianism and of
modern philosophy in general.]

[Footnote 124: See Governor Andros's recommendation to the constables
and overseers of Brooklyn to contribute to the relief of Cortelyou and
the other inhabitants of New Utrecht, on account of their losses by
fire, 1675, in Stiles, _History of Brooklyn_, I. 198.]

OCTOBER _1st, Sunday._ We went, this morning, on a tour of observation
of the country and of the neighbors, some of whom were better situated
than others, but all of them had more or less children sick with the
small pox, which, next to the fever and ague, is the most prevalent
disease in these parts, and of which many have died. We went into one
house where there were two children lying dead and unburied, and three
others sick, and where one had died the week before. This disease was
more fatal this year than usual. We spoke to these afflicted people
what was suitable and they could bear.

Finding myself afterwards alone upon a small eminence, I made a
sketch, as well as I could, of the land surrounding the great bay,
that is, Coney Island, the entrance from the sea, Rentselaer's Hook,
and so further to the right, towards Kil van Kol.[125]

[Footnote 125: This sketch is still preserved, accompanying the
manuscript of this journal in the possession of the Long Island
Historical Society. It bears the legend, in Dutch, "Views of the land
on the south side and southwest side of the great bay between the
Nevesincks and Long Island, six [Dutch] miles from New York.... All as
it appears from ... Jaques [_blank_]'s house at Najaq." It is
reproduced as plate II. in Mr. Murphy's edition.]

After dinner we intended to leave for a place called the bay,[126]
where Jan Theunissen, our fellow passenger, lived, who had made us
great promises of friendship; besides, my companion was desirous, as
they said there would be preaching, to hear the minister of the
island,[127] who was very zealous and a great Cocceian, and, perhaps,
a Cartesian. But Jaques persuaded us from it, because the house where
Jan Theunissen lived with his father was so full of people on Sundays,
who came from all directions to attend preaching, that you could
scarcely get in or out. As the minister was not in the village where
he dwelt, he remained over with many other persons; and he (Jaques)
said he would accompany us there the next morning. So we let it pass,
and took another walk to New Utrecht, where we drank some good beer a
year old, and coming back again to the house, indulged in peaches on
the road. I went along the shore to Coney Island, which is separated
from Long Island only by a creek, and around the point, and came
inside not far from a village called Gravesant,[128] and again home.
We discovered on the road several kinds of grapes still on the vines,
called _speck_ (pork) grapes, which are not always good, and these
were not; although they were sweet in the mouth at first, they made it
disagreeable and stinking. The small blue grapes are better, and their
vines grow in good form. Although they have several times attempted to
plant vineyards, and have not immediately succeeded, they,
nevertheless, have not abandoned the hope of doing so by and by, for
there is always some encouragement, although they have not, as yet,
discovered the cause of the failure.

[Footnote 126: Flatlands, where Elbert Elbertsen Stoothoff,
father-in-law of Jan Theunissen, and a man of prominence, lived.]

[Footnote 127: Niewenhuisen.]

[Footnote 128: Gravesend, still farther down the south shore of Long

_2d, Monday._ Having slept the night again at Najack, we four went,
after breakfast, to the bay, where we arrived about ten o'clock. We
did not find Jan Theunissen at home, as he had driven to the city to
bring his goods; but the father and mother bade us welcome, and took
us around into their orchards to look at them. My comrade spoke to him
as opportunity offered of godly things, but he seemed to be a little
disposed to play the part of a religious and wise man, and he defended
himself and the evil as much as he could, going to work somewhat
coldly with us. We took the time, however, to go around and see every
thing thoroughly, and found the land, in general, not so good as that
at Najack. There is towards the sea a large piece of low flat land
which is overflowed at every tide, like the _schorr_ with us, miry and
muddy at the bottom, and which produces a species of hard salt grass
or reed grass. Such a place they call _valey_ and mow it for hay,
which cattle would rather eat than fresh hay or grass. It is so hard
that they cannot mow it with a common scythe, like ours, but must have
the English scythe for the purpose. Their adjoining corn lands are dry
and barren for the most part. Some of them are now entirely covered
with clover in blossom, which diffused a sweet odor in the air for a
great distance, and which we discovered in the atmosphere, before we
saw the fields. Behind the village, inland, are their meadows, but
they also were now arid. All the land from the bay to the Vlacke
Bos[129] is low and level, without the least elevation. There is also
a tract which is somewhat large, of a kind of heath, on which sheep
could graze, though we saw none upon it. This marsh, like all the
others, is well provided with good creeks which are navigable and very
serviceable for fisheries. There is here a grist-mill driven by the
water which they dam up in the creek; and it is hereabouts they go
mostly to shoot snipe and wild geese. In the middle of this meadow
there is a grove into which we went, and within which there was a good
vale cleared off and planted. On our return from this ramble we found
Jan Theunissen had come back with his company. He welcomed us, but
somewhat coldly, and so demeaned himself all the time we were there,
as to astonish my comrade at the change, but not me entirely, for I
had observed this falling off while we were yet at sea and were
approaching the land and even before that, and had remarked it to my
colleague, but he had more confidence in him. The day having been thus
passed, we remained here for the night to sleep. In the evening we
made the acquaintance of one Jan Poppe, formerly a skipper in the West
Indies, whom I had known when I lived there.[130] He did not know me
by name or by vocation, but only that I lived there, and had conversed
with him there, but not much. He was tired of the sea, and not having
accumulated much, he had come to settle down here, making his living
out of the business of a turner, by which he could live bountifully.

[Footnote 129: Flatbush.]

[Footnote 130: This may mean Surinam (Dutch Guiana). Later, in 1683, a
Labadist colony went out to Surinam, but failed; Danckaerts went out
to join them, but returned.]

_3d, Tuesday._ This whole day it did nothing except rain, with an E.
and E.N.E. wind, so that we were compelled to sit in their house, as
in a prison all the time; and it was so much the worse because the
house was constantly filled with a multitude of godless people; for
this father or father-in-law of Jan Theunissen,[131] being the
principal person in the place, was their captain, and having many
children of his own besides, there was a continual concourse at his
house. We had to remain, although it grieved us a great deal. But as
we had heard that there was an Englishman residing at Gravesend, named
Bouman, who went every year about this time with horses and sheep to
the South River, and would probably go there again in about three
weeks time, we resolved, when the rain was partly over, to go and talk
to him, which we did, arriving there towards evening. We found him at
home, and inquired of him as to the situation. He said, he intended to
leave in fourteen days or at the longest in three weeks, with horses,
and would be happy to have our company on the road. He told us several
things touching the situation of the South River, where he had a large
tract of land which he intended soon to put under cultivation. It
being evening, and nearer Jaques's house than the bay, we determined
to go there as we had previously intended. Mr. Bouman had the kindness
to conduct us a portion of the way so that we could not go astray. We
arrived at Jaques's house, where we were welcome. The land around
Gravesant is also flat, but not so flat or so barren as in the bay,
and yields good crops.

[Footnote 131: Elbert Elbertsen.]

_4th, Wednesday._ We slept for the night in our old place. In the
morning the horses were harnessed to the wagon for the purpose of
carrying us to the city, and bringing back some medicines which had
arrived for him (Jaques) from Holland in our ship. We breakfasted to
our full, and rode first to the bay, where we had left our travelling
bag. Seeing there was nothing to be accomplished with our Jan
Theunissen, all his great promises having vanished without the least
result, though they had cost us dearly enough, we let that rest quiet,
and taking our leave, rode on to the Vlacke Bos, a village situated
about an hour and a half's distance from there, upon the same plain,
which is very large. This village seems to have better farms than the
bay, and yields full as much revenue. Riding through it, we came to
the woods and the hills, which are very stony and uncomfortable to
ride over. We rode over them, and passed through the village of
Breukelen to the ferry, and leaving the wagon there, we crossed over
the river and arrived at home at noon, where we were able to rest a
little, and where our old people were glad to see us. We sent back to
Jaques half of our tincture Calaminaris, and half of our balsam
Sulpherus and some other things.[132] He had been of service to us in
several respects, as he promised to be, and that with perfect

[Footnote 132: Tincture of calamus; sulphur balsam, a mixture of olive
oil and sublimed sulphur.]

_5th, Thursday._ We remained at home this morning, my comrade having
been a little indisposed the preceding day and night, and betook
ourselves to writing. At noon we visited Mons. de La Grange, who was
busily employed in his little shop, packing and marking a parcel of
ribbons which he was going to send to Barbados, because, as he said,
he could not dispose of them here to advantage, that is, with
sufficient profit. We let him first finish his work, and after that he
took us to his counting room, where his wife was. We did not fail to
converse kindly with him and his wife in relation to those matters in
which we believed they were sinning, notwithstanding all the little
reasons which pious people of that description are accustomed to
advance in extenuation of their sin and avarice. As there were plenty
of books around, my comrade inquired of him what book he liked or
esteemed the most. Upon this he brought forward two of the elder
Brakel, one of which was, _De Trappen des Geestelycken Levens_.[133]
He also took down another written by a Scotchman, of whom my comrade
had some knowledge, and translated by Domine Koelman. On my return
home, the son of our old people asked me if I would not go to their
usual catechizing, which they held once a week at the house of Abraham
Lanoy, schoolmaster, and brother of the clerk in the custom
house.[134] I accompanied him there and found a company of about
twenty-five persons, male and female, but mostly young people. It
looked like a school, as indeed it was, more than an assembly of
persons who were seeking after true godliness; where the schoolmaster,
who instructed them, handled the subject more like a schoolmaster in
the midst of his scholars than a person who knew and loved God, and
sought to make him known and loved. They sang some verses from the
Psalms, made a prayer, and questioned from the catechism, at the
conclusion of which they prayed and sang some verses from the Psalms
again. It was all performed without respect or reverence, very
literally, and mixed up with much obscurity and error. He played,
however, the part of a learned and pious man, _enfin le suffisant et
le petit precheur_. After their departure, I had an opportunity of
speaking to him and telling him what I thought was good for him. He
acknowledged that I convinced him of several things; and thus leaving
him I returned home.

[Footnote 133: "The Gradations of the Spiritual Life," by Theodorus à
Brakel (1608-1699), an orthodox clergyman of note in the Reformed
Church of Holland. Jacobus Koelman was originally a minister of the
same church, in Zeeland, but became a schismatic and a Labadist and
was forbidden to preach. In 1682 the people on the South River made
much effort with the Classis of Amsterdam to have him sent over to be
their minister, but in vain, and shortly after he left the Labadists,
and in 1683 published a book against them. The book here spoken of was
probably one of the works of Rev. John Brown of Wamphray in Scotland,
written during his exile in Holland, 1663-1679.]

[Footnote 134: Abraham de la Noy seems to have taught in New York from
1668 to his death in 1702, conducting at this time a private school,
but from 1686 serving as master of the Dutch parochial school.]

_6th, Friday._ We remained in the house during the forenoon, but after
having dined we went out about two o'clock to explore the island of
Manathans. This island runs east and west, or somewhat more northerly.
On the north side of it is the North River, by which it is separated
from the main land on the north; on the east end it is separated from
the main land by a creek, or rather a branch of the North River,
emptying itself into the East River. They can go over this creek at
dead low water, upon rocks and reefs, at the place called Spyt den
Duyvel. This creek coming into the East River forms with it the two
Barents Islands.[135] At the west end of these two running waters,
that is, where they come together to the east of these islands, they
make, with the rocks and reefs, such a frightful eddy and whirlpool
that it is exceedingly dangerous to pass through them, especially with
small boats, of which there are some lost every now and then, and the
persons in them drowned; but experience has taught men the way of
passing through them with less danger. Large vessels have always less
danger because they are not capable of being carried along so quickly.
There are two places where such whirling of the stream occurs, which
are on account of the danger and frightfulness called the Great and
Little Helle Gadt. After these two streams are united, the island of
Manathans is separated on the south from Long Island by the East
River, which, beginning at the bay before New York, runs eastwardly,
after forming several islands, again into the sea. This island[136] is
about seven hours' distance in length, but it is not a full hour
broad. The sides are indented with bays, coves and creeks. It is
almost entirely taken up, that is, the land is held by private owners,
but not half of it is cultivated. Much of it is good wood land. The
west end on which the city lies, is entirely cleared for more than an
hour's distance, though that is the poorest ground; the best being on
the east and north side. There are many brooks of fresh water running
through it, pleasant and proper for man and beast to drink, as well as
agreeable to behold, affording cool and pleasant resting places, but
especially suitable places for the construction of mills, for although
there is no overflow of water, yet it can be shut off and so used. A
little eastward of Nieu Haerlem there are two ridges of very high
rocks, with a considerable space between them, displaying themselves
very majestically, and inviting all men to acknowledge in them the
majesty, grandeur, power and glory of their creator, who has impressed
such marks upon them. Between them runs the road to Spyt den
Duyvel.[137] The one to the north is most apparent; the south ridge is
covered with earth on its north side, but it can be seen from the
water or from the main land beyond to the south. The soil between
these ridges is very good, though a little hilly and stony, and would
be very suitable in my opinion for planting vineyards, in consequence
of its being shut off on both sides from the winds which would most
injure them, and is very warm. We found blue grapes along the road
which were very good and sweet, and as good as any I have tasted in
the Fatherland.

[Footnote 135: Named from Barent Blom, a settler. Later called Great
and Little Barn Islands, now Ward's and Randall's Islands.]

[Footnote 136: Of Manhattan.]

[Footnote 137: The road was finished in 1673. Traced along the modern
streets, it ran up Broadway, Park Row, the Bowery, Fourth Avenue (to
Union Square), Broadway (to Madison Square), and then irregularly to
the Harlem River at Third Avenue and 130th Street. The heights spoken
of east (northeast) of the village of New Harlem were the present
Mount Morris and Mott Haven.]

We went from the city, following the Broadway, over the _valley_, or
the fresh water. Upon both sides of this way were many habitations of
negroes, mulattoes and whites. These negroes were formerly the proper
slaves of the (West India) company, but, in consequence of the
frequent changes and conquests of the country, they have obtained
their freedom and settled themselves down where they have thought
proper, and thus on this road, where they have ground enough to live
on with their families. We left the village, called the Bowery,[138]
lying on the right hand, and went through the woods to New Harlem, a
tolerably large village situated on the south[139] side of the island,
directly opposite the place where the northeast creek and the East
River come together, situated about three hours' journey from New
Amsterdam, as old Harlem, in Europe, is situated about three hours'
distance from old Amsterdam. As our guide, Gerrit, had some business
here, and found many acquaintances, we remained over night at the
house of one Geresolveert,[140] schout (sheriff or constable), of the
place, who had formerly lived in Brazil, and whose heart was still
full of it. This house was constantly filled with people, all the time
drinking, for the most part, that execrable rum. He had also the best
cider we have tasted. Among the crowd we found a person of quality, an
Englishman, named Captain Catrix, whose father is in great favor with
the king, and he himself had assisted in several exploits in the
king's service. He was administrator, or captain general, of the
English forces which went, in 1666, to retake St. Christoffel, which
the French had entirely conquered, and were repulsed.[141] He had also
filled some high office, during the war, in the ship of the Duke of
York, with two hundred infantry under his command. The king has given
to his father, Sir [George] Catrix, the entire government of the lands
west of the North River, in New Netherland, with power to appoint as
governor whom he pleases; and at this present time there is a governor
over it, by his appointment, another Carteret, his nephew, I believe,
who resides at Lysbethstaun [Elizabethtown], in N. Jarnisee[142] [New
Jersey].[143] From this Catrix, in England, the Quakers have
purchased the privilege of a government of their own, over a large
tract of territory which they have bought and settled within his
dominion; and it is but little different from their having bought the
entire right of government of the whole of his land. This son is a
very profligate person. He married a merchant's daughter here, and has
so lived with his wife that her father has been compelled to take her
home again. He runs about among the farmers, and stays where he can
find most to drink, and sleeps in barns on the straw. If he conducted
himself properly, he could be not only governor here, but hold higher
positions, for he has studied the moralities, and seems to have been
of a good understanding; but that is all now drowned. His father, who
will not acknowledge him as his son, as before, allows him yearly as
much only as is necessary for him to live.

[Footnote 138: So called because its main street ran through the farm
or _bouwery_ of Peter Stuyvesant.]

[Footnote 139: Or east.]

[Footnote 140: Resolved Waldron (1610-1690), elected constable in
October, 1678. He was the chief man of the place, had been deputy
fiscael of New Netherland in the time of Governor Stuyvesant, and held
many provincial and local offices. In 1659 he and Augustine Herrman
went to Maryland on an embassy for Stuyvesant; see its journal in
_Narratives of Early Maryland_, in this series, pp. 309-333. Thus it
may have been he who told Danckaerts and Sluyter of Herrman and of
Bohemia Manor. It is almost certain that he never was in Brazil; but
Hendrick Vander Vin, clerk and _voorleser_ of Harlem, whom our
travellers may have met at Waldron's house, had had an important
official position there.]

[Footnote 141: Catrix for Carteret. Captain James Carteret, son of Sir
George Carteret, the proprietary of New Jersey, had commanded a ship
at the reduction of St. Christopher in 1667, had come to New Jersey in
1671, and had allowed himself to be made leader of the malcontents in
an uprising in that province in 1672. In 1673 he married the daughter
of the mayor of New York, and set out for Carolina, where he was a
"landgrave," but returned to New York, and ultimately (1680) to

[Footnote 142: The diarist is perhaps confusing the two Channel
Islands of Jersey and Guernsey.]

[Footnote 143: Philip Carteret, a distant cousin, not a nephew, of Sir
George, is the person here meant. He was appointed governor of New
Jersey under the joint proprietorship of Lord Berkeley and Sir George
Carteret, in 1664, and of East Jersey in 1674, under the sole grant to
Sir George. He resigned in 1682, and died in December of that year, in
this country. "This Carteret in England" means of course Sir George.
The half of New Jersey called West New Jersey, first granted to
Fenwick and Byllynge, came as a trust into the hands of Penn, Lawrie,
and Lucas (see _Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and
Delaware_, in this series, pp. 177-195), who used it for Quaker

_7th, Saturday._ This morning, about half-past six, we set out from
the village, in order to go to the end of the island; but before we
left we did not omit supplying ourselves with peaches which grew in an
orchard along the road. The whole ground was covered with them and
with apples, lying upon the new grain with which the orchard was
planted. The peaches were the most delicious we had yet eaten. We
proceeded on our way, and when we were not far from the point of Spyt
den Duyvel, we could see on our left hand the rocky cliffs of the main
land on the other side of the North River,[144] these cliffs standing
straight up and down, with the grain, just as if they were antimony.
We came then to the end of the island, which was alluvial ground, and
crossed over the Spyt den Duyvel in a canoe, and paid nine stivers
fare for us three, which was very dear. We followed the opposite side
of the land, and came to the house of one Valentyn,[145] a great
acquaintance of our Gerrit. He had gone to the city, but his wife,
though she did not know Gerrit or us, was so much rejoiced to see
Hollanders, that she hardly knew what to do for us. She set before us
what she had. We left after breakfasting there. Her son showed us the
way, and we came to a road which was entirely covered with peaches. We
asked the boy why they left them lying there, and did not let the hogs
eat them. He answered, We do not know what to do with them, there are
so many; the hogs are satiated with them and will not eat any more.
From this we may judge of the quantity of them. We pursued our way now
a small distance through the woods and over the hills, then back again
along the shore to a point, where one Webblingh,[146] an Englishman,
lived, who was standing ready to cross over. He carried us over with
him, and refused to take any pay for our passage, offering us at the
same time some of his rum, a liquor which is everywhere. We were now
again at New Harlem, and dined with Geresolveert, at whose house we
slept the night before, and who made us welcome. It was now two
o'clock; and leaving there, we crossed over the island, which takes
about three-quarters of an hour to do, and came to the North River,
which we followed a little within the woods, to Sappokanikke.[147]
Gerrit having a sister and friends there we rested ourselves, and
drank some good beer, which refreshed us. We continued along the shore
to the city, where we arrived in an hour in the evening, very much
fatigued, having walked this day about forty miles. I must add, that
in passing through this island we sometimes encountered such a sweet
smell in the air that we stood still, because we did not know what it
was we were meeting.

[Footnote 144: The Palisades.]

[Footnote 145: Valentine Claessen, whose sons took the surname of
Valentine. He was a Saxon from Transylvania; his wife, Marritie
Jacobs, was a Dutch woman, of Beest in Gelderland.]

[Footnote 146: Walter Webley, nephew of Colonel Lewis Morris.]

[Footnote 147: Greenwich.]

_8th, Sunday._ We staid at home this morning for the purpose of
writing and resting ourselves. Gerrit requested me to shave him, as
did also an old countryman of Nevesinck who lodged at our house, which
was the first time in my life that I had ever shaved any one. It
afforded us an opportunity of speaking to this countryman about
various matters touching the country. We intended in the afternoon to
attend the English service, but, on going to the fort, the sentinel
told us there was no English preaching in the afternoon, and we
returned home.

_9th, Monday._ We remained at home to-day, except that I went out to
ascertain whether there was any way of going over to Staten Island.
Meanwhile we began to dispose of some of our large merchandise. Gerrit
went out to Sapokan, to do some carpenter's work. We tasted to-day
some very fine grapes.

_10th, Tuesday._ Finding no opportunity of going to Staten Island, we
asked our old friend Symon, who had come over from Gouanes, what was
the best way for us to get there, when he offered us his services to
take us over in his skiff, which we accepted; and at dusk accompanied
him in his boat to Gouanes, where we arrived about eight o'clock, and
where he welcomed us and entertained us well.

_11th, Wednesday._ We embarked early this morning in his boat and
rowed over to Staten Island, where we arrived about eight o'clock. He
left us there, and we went on our way. This island is about thirty-two
miles[148] long and four broad. Its sides are very irregular, with
projecting points and indented bays, and creeks running deep into the
country. It lies for the most part east and west, and is somewhat
triangular. The most prominent point is to the west. On the east side
is the narrow passage which they call the channel, by which it is
separated from the high point of Long Island. On the south is the
great bay which is inclosed by Nayaq, Conijnen Island, Rentselaer's
Hook, Nevesinck, etc. On the west is the Raritans. On the north or
northwest is New Garnisee [Jersey], from which it is separated by a
large creek or arm of the river, called Kil van Kol. The eastern part
is high and steep, and has few inhabitants. It is the usual place
where ships, ready for sea, stop to take in water, while the captain
and passengers are engaged in making their own arrangements and
writing letters previous to their departure. The whole south side is a
large plain, with much salt meadow or marsh, and several creeks. The
west point is flat, and on or around it is a large creek with much
marsh; but to the north of this creek it is high and hilly, and beyond
that it begins to be more level, but not so low as on the other side,
and is well populated. On the northwest it is well provided with
creeks and marshes, and the land is generally better than on the south
side, although there is a good parcel of land in the middle of the
latter. As regards the middle or most hilly part of the island, it is
uninhabited, although the soil is better than the land around it; but,
in consequence of its being away from the water, and lying so high, no
one will live there, the creeks and rivers being so serviceable to
them in enabling them to go to the city, and for fishing and catching
oysters, and for being near the salt meadows. The woods are used for
pasturing horses and cattle, for being an island, none of them can get
off. Each person has marks upon his own by which he can find them when
he wants them. When the population of the country shall increase,
these places will be taken up. Game of all kinds is plenty, and
twenty-five and thirty deer are sometimes seen in a herd. A boy who
came into a house where we were, told us he had shot ten the last
winter himself, and more than forty in his life, and in the same
manner other game. We tasted here the best grapes. There are now about
a hundred families on the island, of which the English constitute the
least portion, and the Dutch and French divide between them about
equally the greater portion. They have neither church nor minister,
and live rather far from each other, and inconveniently to meet
together. The English are less disposed to religion, and inquire
little after it, but in case there were a minister, would contribute
to his support. The French and Dutch are very desirous and eager for
one, for they spoke of it wherever we went, and said, in the event of
not obtaining Domine Tessemaker, they would send, or had sent, to
France for another. The French are good Reformed churchmen, and some
of them are Walloons.[149] The Dutch are also from different quarters.

[Footnote 148: In fact, about fourteen.]

[Footnote 149: French-speaking persons from those provinces of the Low
Countries then remaining under the rule of Spain, but now constituting
the kingdom of Belgium.]

We reached the island, as I have said, about nine o'clock, directly
opposite Gouanes, not far from the watering place. We proceeded
southwardly along the shore of the high land on the east end, where it
was sometimes stony and rocky, and sometimes sandy, supplied with fine
constantly-flowing springs with which at times we quenched our thirst.
We had now come nearly to the furthest point on the southeast, behind
which I had observed several houses when we came in with the ship. We
had also made inquiry as to the villages through which we would have
to pass, and they had told us the Oude Dorp[150] would be the first
one we should come to; but my comrade finding the point very rocky and
difficult, and believing the village was inland, and as we discovered
no path to follow, we determined to clamber to the top of this steep
bluff, through the bushes and thickets, which we accomplished with
great difficulty and in a perspiration. We found as little of a road
above as below, and nothing but woods, through which one could not
see. There appeared to be a little foot-path along the edge which I
followed a short distance to the side of the point, but my comrade
calling me and saying that he certainly thought we had passed by the
road to the Oude Dorp, and observing myself that the little path led
down to the point, I returned again, and we followed it the other way,
which led us back to the place from where we started. We supposed we
ought to go from the shore in order to find the road to the Oude Dorp,
and seeing here these slight tracks into the woods, we followed them
as far as we could, till at last they ran to nothing else than dry
leaves. Having wandered an hour or more in the woods, now in a hollow
and then over a hill, at one time through a swamp, at another across a
brook, without finding any road or path, we entirely lost the way. We
could see nothing except a little of the sky through the thick
branches of the trees above our heads, and we thought it best to break
out of the woods entirely and regain the shore. I had taken an
observation of the shore and point, having been able to look at the
sun, which shone extraordinarily hot in the thick woods, without the
least breath of air stirring. We made our way at last as well as we
could out of the woods, and struck the shore a quarter of an hour's
distance from where we began to climb up. We were rejoiced, as there
was a house not far from the place where we came out. We went to it to
see if we could find any one who would show us the way a little. There
was no master in it, but an Englishwoman with negroes and servants. We
first asked her as to the road, and then for something to drink, and
also for some one to show us the road; but she refused the last,
although we were willing to pay for it. She was a cross woman. She
said she had never been in the village, and her folks must work, and
we would certainly have to go away as wise as we came. She said,
however, we must follow the shore, as we did. We went now over the
rocky point, which we were no sooner over than we saw a pretty little
sand bay, and a small creek, and not far from there, cattle and
houses. We also saw the point to which the little path led from the
hill above, where I was when my comrade called me. We should not have
had more than three hundred steps to go to have been where we now
were. It was very hot, and we perspired a great deal. We went on to
the little creek to sit down and rest ourselves there, and to cool our
feet, and then proceeded to the houses which constituted the Oude
Dorp. It was now about two o'clock. There were seven houses, but only
three in which any body lived. The others were abandoned, and their
owners had gone to live on better places on the island, because the
ground around this village was worn out and barren, and also too
limited for their use. We went into the first house which was
inhabited by English, and there rested ourselves and ate, and inquired
further after the road. The woman was cross, and her husband not much
better. We had to pay here for what we ate, which we had not done
before. We paid three guilders in zeewan, although we only drank
water. We proceeded by a tolerably good road to the Nieuwe Dorp,[151]
but as the road ran continually in the woods, we got astray again in
them. It was dark, and we were compelled to break our way out through
the woods and thickets, and we went a great distance before we
succeeded, when it was almost entirely dark. We saw a house at a
distance to which we directed ourselves across the bushes. It was the
first house of the Nieuwe Dorp. We found there an Englishman who could
speak Dutch, and who received us very cordially into his house, where
we had as good as he and his wife had. She was a Dutch woman from the
Manhatans, who was glad to have us in her house.

[Footnote 150: The Oude Dorp (Old Town or Old Village) stood near the
present South Beach on the east side of the island. The steep bluff
spoken of was at what is now called Fort Wadsworth.]

[Footnote 151: Still called New Dorp; a village some two miles east of

_12th, Thursday._ Although we had not slept well, we had to resume our
journey with the day. The man where we slept set us on the road. We
had now no more villages to go to, but went from one plantation to
another, for the most part belonging to French, who showed us every
kindness because we conversed with them in French, and spoke of the
ways of the Lord according to their condition. About one-third part of
the distance from the south side to the west end is still all woods,
and is very little visited. We had to go along the shore, finding
sometimes fine creeks well provided with wild turkeys, geese, snipes
and wood hens. Lying rotting upon the shore were thousands of fish
called _marsbancken_,[152] which are about the size of a common carp.
These fish swim close together in large schools, and are pursued so by
other fish that they are forced upon the shore in order to avoid the
mouths of their enemies, and when the water falls they are left there
to die, food for the eagles and other birds of prey. Proceeding thus
along we came to the west point where an Englishman lived alone some
distance from the road.[153] We ate something here, and he gave us the
consolation that we should have a very bad road for two or three hours
ahead, which indeed we experienced, for there was neither path nor
road. He showed us as well as he could. There was a large creek to
cross which ran very far into the land, and when we should get on the
other side of it, we must, he said, go outward again along (the
shore). After we had gone a piece of the way through the woods, we
came to a valley with a brook running through it, which we took to be
the creek or the end of it. We turned round it as short as we could,
in order to go back again to the shore, which we reached after
wandering a long time over hill and dale, when we saw the creek, which
we supposed we had crossed, now just before us. We followed the side
of it deep into the woods, and when we arrived at the end of it saw no
path along the other side to get outwards again, but the road ran into
the woods in order to cut off a point of the hills and land. We
pursued this road for some time, but saw no mode of getting out, and
that it led further and further from the creek. We, therefore, left
the road and went across through the bushes, so as to reach the shore
by the nearest route according to our calculation. After continuing
this course about an hour, we saw at a distance a miserably
constructed tabernacle of pieces of wood covered with brush, all open
in front, and where we thought there were Indians; but on coming up to
it we found in it an Englishman sick, and his wife and child lying
upon some bushes by a little fire. We asked him if he were sick. "Do
you ask me whether I am sick? I have been sick here over two months,"
he replied. It made my heart sore indeed, for I had never in all my
life seen such poverty, and that, too, in the middle of a wood and a
wilderness. After we obtained some information as to the way, we went
on, and had not gone far before we came to another house, and thus
from one farm to another, French, Dutch, and a few English, so that we
had not wandered very far out of the way. We inquired at each house
the way to the next one. Shortly before evening we arrived at the
plantation of a Frenchman, whom they called Le Chaudronnier (the
coppersmith), who was formerly a soldier under the Prince of Orange,
and had served in Brazil. He was so delighted, and held on to us so
hard, that we remained and spent the night with him.

[Footnote 152: Menhaden.]

[Footnote 153: Perhaps Christopher Billop of Bentley. The creeks next
spoken of are Richmond Creek and Main Creek, which make well into the
island from its west side.]

_13th, Friday._ We pursued our journey this morning from plantation to
plantation, the same as yesterday, until we came to that of Pierre le
Gardinier, who had been a gardener of the Prince of Orange, and had
known him well.[154] He had a large family of children and
grandchildren. He was about seventy years of age, and was still as
fresh and active as a young person. He was so glad to see strangers
who conversed with him and his in the French language about the good,
that he leaped for joy. After we had breakfasted here they told us
that we had another large creek to pass called the Fresh Kil, and
there we could perhaps be set across the Kil van Kol to the point of
Mill Creek, where we might wait for a boat to convey us to the
Manhatans. The road was long and difficult, and we asked for a guide,
but he had no one, in consequence of several of his children being
sick. At last he determined to go himself, and accordingly carried us
in his canoe over to the point of Mill Creek in New Jersey behind the
Kol.[155] We learned immediately that there was a boat up this creek
loading with brick, and would leave that night for the city. After we
had thanked and parted with Pierre le Gardinier, we determined to walk
to Elizabethtown, a good half hour's distance inland, where the boat
was. From the point to this village there is a fine wagon road, but
nowhere in the country had we been so pestered with mosquitos as we
were on this road. The land about here is very poor, and is not well
peopled. We found the boat, and spoke to the captain who left about
two hours afterwards; but as the wind was against going out of the
creek, he lay by and waited for the tide. We returned by evening to
the point where we were to stay until morning. There was a tavern on
it, kept by French papists, who at once took us to be priests, and so
conducted themselves towards us in every respect accordingly, although
we told them and protested otherwise. As there was nothing to be said
further we remained so in their imaginations to the last, as shown
both in their words and actions, the more certainly because we spoke
French, and they were French people. We slept there this night, and at
three o'clock in the morning we set sail.

[Footnote 154: Pierre Cresson, a Picard, who after many years in
Holland came out to New Netherland in 1657, and lived at Harlem till
1677, when he obtained this grant on Staten Island. His son Jacques
embraced the Labadist views.]

[Footnote 155: _I.e._, behind the Kill van Kull. Mill Creek is
probably the stream now known as Elizabethtown Creek.]

_14th, Saturday._ Being under sail, as I have said, it was so entirely
calm that we could only float with the stream until we came to the
Schutters Island,[156] where we obtained the tide again. It was now
about four o'clock. In order to protect ourselves from the air which
was very cold and piercing, we crept under the sail which was very old
and full of holes. The tide having run out by daylight, we came under
sail again, with a good wind which brought us to the city at about
eight o'clock, for which we were glad, and returning thanks to God,
betook ourselves to rest.

[Footnote 156: Now Shooter's Island, opposite Mariner's Harbor.]

_15th, Sunday._ We went at noon to-day to hear the English minister,
whose services took place after the Dutch church was out. There were
not above twenty-five or thirty people in the church. The first thing
that occurred was the reading of all their prayers and ceremonies out
of the prayer book, as is done in all Episcopal churches. A young man
then went into the pulpit and commenced preaching, who thought he was
performing wonders; but he had a little book in his hand out of which
he read his sermon which was about a quarter of an hour or half an
hour long.[157] With this the services were concluded, at which we
could not be sufficiently astonished. This was all that happened with
us to-day.

[Footnote 157: This was the Rev. Charles Wolley, the only English
minister then in the province. A graduate of Emmanuel College,
Cambridge, he came out with Governor Andros in 1678 as chaplain to the
garrison, and remained in New York till 1680. He published in 1701
(London, two editions) a pleasant though fragmentary little book
entitled _A Two Years Journal in New York_, well worth reading in
comparison with Danckaerts's account of the province. Two reprints of
it have been issued (New York, 1860; Cleveland, 1902), the former
edited by Dr. E.B. O'Callaghan, the latter by Professor Edward G.

_16th, Monday._ I was occupied to-day in copying my journal. In the
morning there came an Indian to our house, a man about eighty years of
age, whom our people called Jasper, who lived at Ahakinsack or at
Ackinon.[158] Concerning this Indian our old people related that when
they lived on Long Island, it was once a very dear time; no provisions
could be obtained, and they suffered great want, so that they were
reduced to the last extremity; that God the Lord then raised up this
Indian, who went out fishing daily in order to bring fish to them
every day when he caught a good mess, which he always did. If, when he
came to the house, he found it alone, and they were out working in the
fields, he did not fail, but opened the door, laid the fish on the
floor, and proceeded on his way. For this reason these people possess
great affection for him and have given him the name of Jasper, and
also my _nitap_,[159] that is, my great friend. He never comes to the
Manhatans without visiting them and eating with them, as he now did,
as among his old friends. We asked him why he had done so much
kindness to these people. "I have always been inclined," he answered,
"from my youth up to do good, especially to good people known to me. I
took the fish to them because Maneto[160] said to me, you must take
fish to these people, whispering ever in my ear 'You must take fish to
them.' I had to do it, or Maneto would have killed me." Our old woman
telling us he sometimes got drunk, we said to him he should not do so
any more, that the Great Sakemacker[161] who is above, was offended at
such conduct and would kill him. "No," said he, laughing as if that
were a mistake of ours, "it is Maneto who kills those who do evil, and
leaves those who do good at peace." "That is only," we replied,
"because Maneto is the slave and executioner of the Great Sakemacker
above;" and we then asked him if he believed there was such a great
and good _sakemacker_ there? "Undoubtedly," he said, "but he remains
above, and does not trouble himself with the earth or earthly things,
because he does nothing except what is good; but Maneto, who also is a
_sakemacker_, is here below, and governs all, and punishes and
torments those men who do evil and drink themselves drunk." Hereupon
we inquired of him why he did so then. "Yes," he said, "I had rather
not, but my heart is so inclined that it causes me to do it, although
I know it is wrong. The Christians taught it to us, and give us or
sell us the drink, and drink themselves drunk." We said to him:
"Listen! if we came to live near you, you would never see us drunk,
nor would we give or sell you or your people any rum." "That," he
replied, "would be good." We told him he must not make such a
difference between himself and a Christian, because one was white and
the other red, and one wore clothes and the other went almost naked,
or one was called a Christian and the other an Indian, that this great
and good Sakemacker was the father of us all, and had made us all, and
that all who did not do good would be killed by Maneto whether they
were called Christians or Indians; but that all who should do good
would go to this good _sakemacker_ above. "Yes," said he, "we do not
know or speak to this _sakemacker_, but Maneto we know and speak to,
but you people, who can read and write, know and converse with this

[Footnote 158: Hackensack.]

[Footnote 159: The word, in the form _neetup_, has survived in local
speech in some parts of New England. "What cheer, _neetup_?" was the
Indian's salutation to Roger Williams on his arrival at Seekonk.]

[Footnote 160: The chief (evil) spirit.]

[Footnote 161: Sachem, lord.]

We asked him, where he believed he came from? He answered from his
father. "And where did your father come from?" we said, "and your
grandfather and great-grandfather, and so on to the first of the
race?" He was silent for a little while, either as if unable to climb
up at once so high with his thoughts, or to express them without help,
and then took a piece of coal out of the fire where he sat, and began
to write upon the floor. He first drew a circle, a little oval, to
which he made four paws or feet, a head and a tail. "This," said he,
"is a tortoise, lying in the water around it," and he moved his hand
round the figure, continuing, "This was or is all water, and so at
first was the world or the earth, when the tortoise gradually raised
its round back up high, and the water ran off of it, and thus the
earth became dry." He then took a little straw and placed it on end in
the middle of the figure, and proceeded, "The earth was now dry, and
there grew a tree in the middle of the earth, and the root of this
tree sent forth a sprout beside it and there grew upon it a man, who
was the first male. This man was then alone, and would have remained
alone; but the tree bent over until its top touched the earth, and
there shot therein another root, from which came forth another sprout,
and there grew upon it the woman, and from these two are all men
produced." We gave him four fish-hooks with which he was much pleased,
and immediately calculated how much in money he had obtained. "I have
got twenty-four stivers' worth," he said. He then inquired our names,
which we gave him, and wished to know why he asked for them? "Well,"
he replied, "because you are good people and are true _nitaps_; and in
case you should come into the woods and fall into the hands of the
Indians, and they should wish to kill or harm you, if I know or hear
of it I might help you, for they will do you no injury when they know
me." For he was the brother of a _sakemaker_. We told him that we did
not give them to him on that account, but only from regard because he
was a good person, although the good will or thankfulness which he
wished to show thereby was good. "Well," he said, "that is good, that
is good," with which, after eating something, he departed.

But at noon he returned with a young Indian, both of them so drunk
they could not speak, and having a calabash of liquor with them. We
chided him, but to no purpose, for he could neither use his reason nor
speak so as to be understood. The young Indian with him was a
_sackemaker's_ son, and was bold. He wanted to have a piece of meat
that was on the table, and on which we all had to make our dinner,
when we told him it was not for him. "Yes," said he, "I see it is so;"
nevertheless, and although we offered him something else to eat, he
was evilly disposed and dissatisfied, and would take nothing except
the piece of meat alone; but that was not given to him. Whereupon
Jasper told him he must be quiet, that the old people and we were all
his _nitaps_, and by degrees quieted him, they sitting together by the
fire and drinking their rum. They left afterwards for Long Island.

_17th, Tuesday._ Nothing transpired to-day.

_18th, Wednesday._ In the afternoon Jasper, the Indian, came back
again, and proceeded confidently to our room in the rear of the house,
but sober and in his senses. He told us how he had been with his
nephew, the _sackemaker's_ son, to Long Island, among the other
Indians; and that he had given away, not only his fish-hooks, but also
his shoes and stockings. We found fault with him at first for having
become so drunk, contrary to his promise, and when he well knew it was
wrong. To which he said he had to buy some nails for an Englishman who
lived near him, from another Englishman here, who had sold and given
him the rum.

I must here remark, in passing, that the people in this city, who are
almost all traders in small articles, whenever they see an Indian
enter the house, who they know has any money, they immediately set
about getting hold of him, giving him rum to drink, whereby he is soon
caught and becomes half a fool. If he should then buy any thing, he is
doubly cheated, in the wares, and in the price. He is then urged to
buy more drink, which they now make half water, and if he cannot drink
it, they drink it themselves. They do not rest until they have cajoled
him out of all his money, or most of it; and if that cannot be done in
one day, they keep him, and let him lodge and sleep there, but in some
out of the way place, down on the ground, guarding their merchandise
and other property in the meantime, and always managing it so that the
poor creature does not go away before he has given them all they want.
And these miserable Christians are so much the more eager in this
respect, because no money circulates among themselves, and they pay
each other in wares, in which they are constantly cheating and
defrauding each other. Although it is forbidden to sell the drink to
the Indians, yet every one does it, and so much the more earnestly,
and with so much greater and burning avarice, that it is done in
secret. To this extent and further, reaches the damnable and
insatiable covetousness of most of those who here call themselves
Christians. Truly, our hearts grieved when we heard of these things,
which call so grievously upon the Supreme Judge for vengeance. He will
not always let His name be so profaned and exposed to reproach and

We asked Jasper why he had given away his hooks and stockings. He
said, it was a custom among them, for the lesser to give to the
greater. We replied the _sackemaker_ was richer than he, and he
should, therefore, have kept them. "No," he said, "I did it as a mark
of respect and obedience." We gave him four more fish-hooks, and told
him he must take care of them for himself. "I will bring you fish as
soon as I catch any," he said as he went away, promising also that he
would get drunk no more.

From this time until the 22d of October, nothing special took place,
except that we spoke to one Ephraim, a young trader, who was just
married here, and who intended to go with his wife to the South River,
where he usually dwelt, for which purpose he was only waiting for
horses and men from there.[162] He tendered us his services and his
horses, if we would accompany him, and offered to carry us in his own
boat everywhere on that river, from the falls [of the Delaware], to
which we should have to travel by land, and where the boat would be
waiting for him to take him down the river; since he himself would
have to touch at many places on the river, in going down. As Bouman,
who was going there with horses, did not make his appearance, we
accepted the offer with thankfulness, waiting only for the time.

[Footnote 162: Ephraim Herrman, eldest son of Augustine Herrman of
Bohemia Manor, had on September 3, 1679, six weeks before this date,
married Elizabeth Rodenburg, daughter of Lucas Rodenburg, formerly
vice-director of Curaçao. South River is the Delaware.]

_24th, Tuesday._ Margaret's ship in which we arrived here, being ready
to leave, but she not going in it, as it was said, we set about
writing letters, which we might give to our Robyn, and finished them
to-day, and also the copying of my journal.

_25th, Wednesday._ Having closed up our letters, we had Robyn at our
house, and gave them to him in his own hands, as we had heard from the
supercargo himself that he would run into Falmouth again for the
purpose of paying the duties; we gave Robyn money to post our letters
over London, together with something for his trouble, and with this,
wishing him the blessing of the Lord, we took leave of him; but
recollecting afterwards that we had forgotten to put a date to the
letters, which was very necessary, I had to go in search of Robyn
again, whom I found at last, and took back from him the letters. When
we had resealed them, I went after him again, but he had gone on board
the ship. I waited for an opportunity and went on board myself, and
handed them to him again. He was glad to see me on board; and while
there I went looking around to see how the ship was laden, and found
her so full that the poor sailors had scarcely room to eat or sleep.
The boatswain, who had now become mate, because the Dutch mate, Evert,
had become captain of a ketch, treated me with much kindness; but as
the boat and sailors were continually ashore, it was dark before I
could reach the land.

_26th, Thursday._ We inquired whether our journey to the south would
soon take place, and were informed it would not be this week. We
resolved not to remain idle, and to embrace the opportunity to cross
to-morrow over the North River opposite the fort to a place called
Gamoenepaen,[163] as soon as we could find the means of passage.

[Footnote 163: Communipaw, in New Jersey, founded in 1658. It is
uncertain whether the name is of Indian origin (Gamoenipaen), or is a
Dutch name made up from that of Pauw. The former is more likely.]

_27th, Friday._ We went after breakfast to see if we could be taken
over the river. We found a boat going soon, but we must wait a little.
In the meanwhile we made the acquaintance of a person from Zeeland, or
who had lived there a long time, for he himself was a Hollander. He
had been an apprentice to Jaques Fierens, printer, at the Globe in the
Gi street,[164] and, although I had been often enough in that house,
and he knew my face, he did not know me particularly. He came to this
country with Cornelis Everts of Zeeland, and had assisted in taking
it from the English in 1674.[165] He had remained here since and
married. He sometimes bound old books, and was the only bookbinder in
the country.

[Footnote 164: Jacques Fierens was from 1642 to 1669 a noteworthy
printer, bookseller, and publisher at Middelburg in Zeeland, where
Danckaerts (see the introductory note B to this volume) then lived.
Fierens's shop, as we know from other sources, was at the sign of the
Globe in Gistraat or Giststraat (_i.e._, Heilige Geest Straat, Holy
Ghost Street).]

[Footnote 165: In 1673, after the Duke of York and the English had
held New York nine years, two Dutch commodores, Cornelis Evertsen and
Jacob Binckes, retook it for the States General. The Dutch, however,
held it only a year.]

It was about noon when we crossed over. Our old woman at the house had
told us of another good woman who lived at this place, named
Fitie,[166] from Cologne, and recommended us to visit her, which we
did as soon as we landed. We found her a little pious after the manner
of the country, and you could discover that there was something of the
Lord in her, but very much covered up and defiled. We dined there and
spoke to her of what we deemed necessary for her condition. She has
many grandchildren, all of whom are not unjust. We continued our
journey along a fine broad wagon road to the other village, called
Bergen, a good half hour or three-quarters inland from there,[167]
where the villagers, who are almost all Dutch, received us well, and
were rejoiced to see us. They inquired and spoke to us about various
things. We also found there the cook of the vessel in which we came
over. He was sick of the ship, and was stopping ashore with his
relations here in order to recruit himself. He entertained us
according to his ability, and gave us some _hespaen_[168] to eat, a
wild animal somewhat larger than a cat. It was very fat, and of a good
flavor, almost like a pig. The skins of these animals are good peltry,
and are sent in great quantities to Europe. We had also some good
cider. Our cook took a short walk with us over the country, and showed
us the situation of the plantations around there, as he had lived
there a long time, and consequently was acquainted with all these
farms. The soil was very good, and indeed of the best that we had seen
anywhere. This good ground was for the most part on the declivities of
the hills, and so on below. Snake Hill, of which I had heard much, and
which I had imagined to myself was a large projecting hill, lies close
by and is only a small round hill; and is so named on account of the
numerous snakes which infest it. It stands quite alone, and is almost
entirely encircled by the North Kil.[169] It is nothing but rocks and
stones, with a little earth up above where a plantation could be
formed. We returned to the village by evening, and lodged with one
Claes Fransen, who had brought us over the river. He had a good old
mother,[170] and also a brother living there. His other brothers were
married, and lived in the same village. We conversed with these people
about spiritual things, and had great enjoyment therein. We were
entirely welcome. We slept upon some straw on the floor, and it was
lucky for us that he sold blankets, some of which he used to cover us.
We have nowhere, to my knowledge, seen or eaten finer apples. One kind
was very large, fair, and of good taste, fifty-six of which only could
be put in a heaped up bushel, that is, half a bag. Another variety,
somewhat smaller, but not less fair in appearance, and of a better
flavor, my comrade was acquainted with, and said they were called the
Double Paradise. He acknowledged they were very delicate.

[Footnote 166: Fytje Hartman, widow of Michael Jansen Hartman. She had
seven children.]

[Footnote 167: Bergen was founded in 1661. Both it and Communipaw are
now in Jersey City.]

[Footnote 168: Raccoon.]

[Footnote 169: Hackensack River.]

[Footnote 170: Immetie Dirx, widow of Frans Claesen.]

_28th, Saturday._ Early this morning Claes prepared to cross over to
the Manhatans, to carry to market some fine fat mutton from a sheep
which he had killed the night before. He sold it for two
_blanken_[171] a pound, reckoned in Holland money and Amsterdam
weight. It was rainy the whole morning, and it had stormed so hard in
the night that we could not find a dry place in the house to lie in.
We were apprehensive of hearing of some misfortune to the ships,
especially two lying under Staten Island, one of which was Margaret's,
and was bound for Holland. Claes was alarmed for his boat, in which we
had to cross over; but going to the shore about eleven o'clock, he
found it there, but half full of rain water. The mast which he had
left standing was overboard, and to be looked for, but was afterwards
found, and the mast bench and socket were out of their places, and in
pieces. He had, therefore, some repairs to make. It cleared up
gradually, and he resolved to cross over, which he was the more
anxious to do, because he was going to bring back Domine Tessemaker,
who had promised to come the next day and preach for them before his
departure; for although there is a considerable congregation in this
vicinity, and they are abundantly able to support a minister, they
have none; for it is not easy to obtain one, and there is no
probability of their doing so as long as the country belongs to the
English, though they intend to build a church next spring. For the
present they have nobody except a _voorleser_,[172] who performs his
service for them on Sundays, in the school house, where they assemble.
They have, however, agreed with the minister of the city to administer
there the Lord's Supper three times a year, for which he receives
thirty bushels or fifteen bags of wheat. This service he performs on
week-days, because he cannot be absent from the city on Sundays, where
he is the only minister. This Gmoenepaeu is an arm of the main land on
the west side of the North River, beginning at Constable's Hook,
directly opposite Staten Island, from which it is separated by the Kil
van Kol.[173] On the east is the North River; on the north the
mainland Pavoni or Haverstroo, or indeed Hackingsack; and on the west,
the North Kil, which separates it from New Jersey and Elizabethtown.
It is almost an hour broad, but has large salt meadows or marshes on
the kill. It has many bays and inlets, and lies very commodiously for
the inhabitants, because it is everywhere accessible by water from the
city. The village of Bergen lies about in the middle of the tract, and
has been reasonably strong in time of the war with the Indians.[174]
It has very fine farms which yield well.

[Footnote 171: Say three cents.]

[Footnote 172: Parish clerk, precentor, and (usually) schoolmaster.
The church records of Bergen go back to 1664, and the first church
edifice was built in the next year, 1680.]

[Footnote 173: Now Constable's Point. Pavonia was the domain of
Michael Pauw. Haverstraw lay well to the northward, Hackensack to the
northwestward, of the Bergen peninsula.]

[Footnote 174: "The Town is compact and hath been fortified against
the Indians." Captain Nicolls, in George Scot, _The Model of the
Government of East New Jersey_, p. 142.]

As we were about to cross, an Indian came up, who also desired to be
carried over. He asked the skipper whether he might go over with him,
who replied he had too much freight. "Well," said he, "I will pay you
for that. How much freight do the people give you?" The skipper
answered six stivers in seewan. "Well then," said the Indian, "I will
give you seven." This made us all laugh, because he valued himself
less and bound himself to pay more than the others. We, therefore,
took him with us. The river here is full four miles wide, and when it
blows, especially from the north or northwest, there is sometimes a
rolling sea, making it dangerous to cross over, particularly in small
boats. While we were in the village of Bergen, a person came to us who
was willing to take us up through the Northwest Kil, where we were
inclined to go, because Jaques[175] of Long Island and his associates
had bought for a trifle, a piece of land there of twelve thousand
_morgen_,[176] and he had related wonders to us about it; and that
above his land, and above the falls which are more than an hour's
distance from it, there was another tract still better, which was
corroborated by almost every one, especially in Bergen, whose
inhabitants were very well acquainted there, and some of whom had
bought a large piece of land close by.[177] The before mentioned tract
was considered by them the best in all New Netherland. We, therefore,
did not reject the offer of this person, but only postponed it until a
later opportunity, perhaps after our return from the South River. They
said this piece of land was very large, and could be increased to
twenty-five or thirty thousand _morgen_, which the Indians were
disposed to sell, and we could buy for a small price. When we reached
home we showed our old people the apples which we had brought with us,
and they confessed that as long as they had lived in the country, they
had never seen any finer or larger.

[Footnote 175: Jacques Cortelyou and his associates had a large grant
of land at Aquackanonck (Passaic). Northwest Kill is the Passaic

[Footnote 176: A _morgen_ was about two acres.]

[Footnote 177: Deed of March 28, 1679, from the Indian sachem Captahem
to a group of Bergen men.]

_29th, Sunday._ We had been last Sunday to hear the Quakers, but the
greater portion of them were on Long Island, so that nothing was
done.[178] My comrade had a mind to go again to-day, but I remained at
home. After waiting two hours, he went to hear the Episcopalians and
then returned to the Quakers, who had remained all this time sitting
silent and gazing. He then took a walk out for a considerable time,
and went back again and found them still in the same position. Being
tired out, he would wait no longer, and came home. We went in the
afternoon to see Ephraim for the purpose of inquiring of him how soon
our journey to the South River would commence, and whether we would
have time first to take a trip to Aquakenon[179] with the man from
Bergen, of whom we have spoken above; but we did not find Ephraim at

[Footnote 178: There were few Friends yet in New York, but on Long
Island there were already quarterly and half-yearly meetings.]

[Footnote 179: Passaic.]

_30th, Monday._ We went again this morning to speak to him. He said we
should have time to go there, and allowing the utmost it might take
us, he would still wait a day or two We went immediately to
Sapokanikke, where [Gerrit] was engaged in building, whom we wished to
accompany us, because he knew several of those Indians and spoke their
language, and because he had said all along that he wished to see the
land of his brother-in-law, since Jaques had promised him as much of
it as he would cultivate; but we found him indisposed with a sore leg,
and unable to go. Nevertheless, we crossed over the river in the
evening, at the same time the two ministers were returning, namely,
Tessemaker who preached there on Sunday as we have stated, and
Niewenhuisen who had administered the Lord's Supper there to-day. We
went over with Claes, and it was dark when we arrived at Gmoenepaen.
We followed Claes, who took us to his house, where we were made
welcome by his old mother. My comrade went with Claes, yet this
evening, to see the man who was to take us up the kill, so that in
case he had any thing to make ready it might be done this evening. He
said it would be noon before the tide would serve to-morrow and that
he had nothing else to do in the morning. We learned he was a most
godless rogue, which caused us to be cautious in what we had to do
with him. We conversed this evening with the old woman in whose house
we slept, and this poor woman seemed to have great enjoyment and
fruition, as did also her sons and others with whom we occasionally
conversed. It appeared, indeed, as if the Lord might have there the
seed of the elect, which He will bring forth in His own time, if it
please Him. Truly these are the best people whom we have found in
these parts.

_31st, Tuesday._ We went this morning to look about the country a
little, which pleased us very much, and thus occupied ourselves until
noon, when we proceeded to look after our guide and arrange matters
with him. As soon as he came in the house, we inquired of him what he
wanted for his trouble for the journey. He demanded a cloth _innocent_
or coat, and that not of the poorest. His wife, who was the worst
woman, I think, I have ever beheld in my life, did the best also to
cheat us. We asked him what he thought such a coat would cost. "Well,"
said he, "call it a hundred guilders." We told him we did not intend
to give so much. He replied, "I cannot take less for so long a time."
"And how long do you expect to be gone," we asked. "You must not," he
said, "think of being back before Monday." We then asked him how much
he demanded a day, and he said eight guilders. We made an agreement
with him for seven guilders a day, that is, twenty-eight stivers,
Holland money. We then started to get some provisions, which the old
woman, where we slept, had cheerfully given us; but we took nothing,
except two half loaves of rye bread, and some apples in our travelling
bag, but this Dirck provided himself better for making the journey.
When we were ready, we went over the salt meadow or marsh to the kill,
which was full half an hour's distance; but when we came to the canoe,
the ebb tide was still running strong, and we required the flood. The
canoe lay in a bend of a small creek, and it was impossible to get it
out of this bight and over the mire, except at high water, which would
not take place until evening. We were, therefore, brought to a stand,
whether to proceed in the evening, to which we were not much inclined,
or await until the next morning, which was too much of a delay in view
of our journey to the south. We had, besides, felt some misgivings in
our hearts on account of the godlessness of the person who was to
conduct us. We saw that the Lord plainly shewed what we had to do, and
we, therefore, abandoned the trip, and told him we had not so much
time to lose, and should embrace another opportunity. He cursed and
swore at those who had told him the tide would serve at noon. In truth
he had not been careful and had nobody to blame but himself. We were
glad we were rid of him. We gave our apples and bread back to the old
woman, who, as well as all the villagers, who heard we were not going
up, were rejoiced, and declared we should not have been satisfied.
Afterwards, several others offered their services to accompany us by
land, either on foot or horseback, or otherwise, and go with us
themselves, which we did not reject, but only postponed until we
should see what the Lord would do in His time.

We went immediately to the strand to see whether we could still cross
over to the other side; but Claes had left for the city, and did not
return until evening, and there was no other boat. We were, therefore,
compelled to remain; but, in the meantime, we visited the before
mentioned Fytie, where we met several Indians, who lived upon and
owned the very land we had intended to visit. They had heard we had
gone up to look at their land, and wondered at seeing us back there.
They manifested pleasure at our wishing to visit them, and examine
their land; shook hands with us, and said we were great and good
_nitaps_. They were in hopes we would come and live on their lands,
where we would always be good _nitaps_. Meanwhile Claes having
arrived, we went back with him to Bergen, and passed the night again
at his house.

NOVEMBER _1st, Wednesday._ As soon as Claes had taken his freight on
board, we crossed over with him to the city. Our old people where we
lodged were glad we had not gone with that person, for they also knew
him well. About noon Claes came to the house, wishing to buy something
of us, which he did. We presented him and the good people of this
place with _Christelyke Grondregelen_,[180] in Low Dutch, because we
hoped, after what we had seen, it would serve for their instruction
and edification, and the glory of God, who will bring forth the fruits
thereof in His own time if it please Him.

[Footnote 180: The Dutch translation of Jean de Labadie's _Points
Fondamentaux de la Vie vrayement Chrestienne_ (Amsterdam, 1670).]

_2d, Thursday._ This day, and for the rest of the week, nothing
transpired worthy of note, except we informed Ephraim that our trip
was not to take place, and therefore he need not wait on our account.
I have wished several times that I could sketch in order to employ the
art sometimes when it might be serviceable, especially upon this
voyage. I, therefore, have practised it some, because it was
convenient, and I thought I succeeded in it reasonably well, but I
have done it, without any regularity or assiduity, and only to amuse
myself occasionally.[181]

[Footnote 181: Several very interesting pen-and-ink drawings accompany
the manuscript of this journal. See the introduction to the volume.]

_5th, Sunday._ My comrade, who was exercising himself in the English
language, went again to hear the English minister preach.

_6th, Monday._ We went again to ascertain whether our journey to the
South River would soon be undertaken; for although this opportunity
would suit us very well and we should not miss it, nevertheless the
best time was passing by, and the winter was close at hand. There was
a horse offered us elsewhere, which had to be taken to the South
River; and a yacht also was ready to sail there. The time, therefore,
was to be looked to; and we went again to Ephraim, who assured us that
he would not delay it longer than the ensuing Thursday. But we heard
that Domine Tessemaker was going with him, by which we were entrapped,
for it was one of the reasons why we did not leave with de La Grange,
who had now been gone fourteen days, that he always told us Domine
Tessemaker and some other persons would accompany him. However, as the
Lord had thus ordered it, we were glad to submit to His will, who
always knows why He does thus and so.

Nothing worth mention happened between this and Thursday. Meanwhile,
however, Domine Tessemaker had abandoned the journey with Ephraim, and
resolved to proceed by sea in the yacht or boat, in which he sailed
the next day. Whether he had some special reasons for going by water
we do not know, although we guessed so. Ephraim had ordered a shallop
or yacht, which was to land us at the Rarytans, and was to be ready,
he said, Thursday evening or Friday morning without fail, but of that
he would give us timely notice. We, therefore, remained at home until
Friday morning, the

_10th_, when, as we did not see him, we went to ascertain the cause
and why the journey was not begun. He said it was not his fault, but
that his wife could not leave her mother so soon, and he had given her
time until next Monday, and had, therefore, let the sloop make a trip.
This did not please us very much, for our time was fast running away,
and we were able to accomplish nothing. We bethought ourselves,
therefore, whether we could not make some progress, and as our Jacques
[Cortelyou], had promised to show us the laws of the country, we
determined to go and see whether we could not finish what we had to do
therein before our departure. We both left about noon to go over to
Long Island, and passed through Breukelen and the Vlacke Bos, over
Nieu Uytrecht[182] on large, fine wagon roads to Najack, where we
arrived about three o'clock. It had been very warm during the day, and
we were all in a perspiration and fatigued. Jaques's wife bade us
welcome, but he himself was in the fields. After we had rested
ourselves and eaten something, we went outside upon the banks of this
beautiful bay, to breathe a little air, and look at various vessels,
going and coming. In the meantime he came with his son to meet us.
They had been to the fish _fuyck_,[183] which they had lying there
upon the shore and out of which they had taken at noon some fine fish,
but at present the water was too high. Another of his sons had been
out shooting, but had not shot anything; though the day before he had
shot a woodcock and a partridge before the door of the house, which we
must taste this evening with still some other things. Also because we
were there the _fuyck_ must be lifted again, from which they took out
two fine bass, of a kind we had not yet seen. They are quite large,
and of a good shape. They have seven black stripes on the body,
extending from the head to the tail. We ate of them also in the
evening, and found them very fine, and had not yet tasted any better
in the country. They were fat and hard, with a little of the flavor of
the salmon. The other suited us very well.

[Footnote 182: Brooklyn, Flatbush, New Utrecht.]

[Footnote 183: Large stationary net.]

We had much conversation together, and informed ourselves in relation
to various matters. He gave us some medicinal roots, which we have
mentioned heretofore. He also let us look at the laws, which were
written in a folio volume, but in very bad Dutch, for they had been
translated from English into Dutch.[184] As it was a large book, and
we saw we could not copy it there, we requested him to let us take it
home with us for that purpose. He consented upon condition that if we
left for the south, we would then deliver it to his brother-in-law,
Gerrit, who intended to come over shortly, and would hand it to him.
We lodged this night at his place, but somewhat better than we had
done in the barn, for we slept in his dwelling, still so that we could
well feel where we had slept.

[Footnote 184: The reference is to Governor Nicolls's code, commonly
called the Duke's Laws, first promulgated in 1665, for Long Island and
the Delaware River region, and reissued by Governor Lovelace in 1674.
Copies were sent to each Long Island township, and thus to New
Utrecht. The code was printed in 1809 in the first volume of the
_Collections_ of the New York Historical Society, and may also be
found in a Pennsylvania issue, _Charter to William Penn_, etc.
(Harrisburg, 1879).]

_11th, Saturday._ As soon as we awoke we determined to return home and
finish up our matters in the little time remaining. We left,
therefore, about eight o'clock, after taking some breakfast. He
conducted us to New Utrecht. We lent him _Les Pensées de Pascal_[185]
which we judged would be useful to him. We returned by the same roads
as we came, and reached home about eleven o'clock. We had observed
that although the previous day had been pretty warm, this night had
not only been frosty but ice had formed as thick as the back of a
knife. We commenced at noon copying the most necessary [laws], and
afterwards the rest of them.

[Footnote 185: The _Pensées_ of Blaise Pascal had been published,
posthumously, in 1670.]

_12th, Sunday._ We continued making extracts, and finished about the
middle of the day all that we deemed it necessary to make, omitting
minor matters pertaining to the duties of particular officers. Still,
what shall we say, they were laws and nothing else.

_13th, Monday._ We took care that Jaques should receive the papers
back again, and then went to see whether our journey with Ephraim
would be made. We found the boat lying at the dock, laden with
firewood, and that the day would necessarily be occupied in
discharging, so that at the best, it could not be undertaken before
the next day. The time was finally fixed for the journey for the next
day, and every thing was this day arranged.


[Footnote 186: These words appear as a marginal note in the original

_14th, Tuesday._ Having taken leave of all our acquaintances, we set
off at ten o'clock, this morning, in company with Ephraim, his wife,
his wife's mother, two of her sisters, and a young brother, who were
to accompany her as far as Pescatteway.[187] We stepped into the boat,
where we found three horses, two Quakers, and another Englishman. We
were not long in starting. The wind was from the west, which is a head
wind for sailing to Achter Kol. The sky began to be heavily overcast,
and the wind to freshen up more, so that we had to tack. Ephraim being
afraid the wind might shift to the northwest, and blow hard, as it
usually does when it is from that quarter, wished to return, and would
have done so, if the skipper had not tried to go ahead more than he
did. The tide running out, and the boat advancing but little, and
being fearful of the flood tide, which would delay us, if it did not
drive us back, and as there was room to work with the rudder, I went
and took hold of the tiller myself, and brought the boat, with the
flood tide, just within the point of Staten Island, where we found a
ketch bound for Achter Kol, and further up to Snake Hill. Having now
the tide with us, we tacked about, and quickly passed by Schutters
Island, lying in the mouth of a kill, on the north side of the Kil
achter Kol. This island is so called, because the Dutch, when they
first settled on the North River, were in the practice of coming here
to shoot wild geese, and other wild fowl, which resorted there in
great numbers. This kill, when the water is high, is like a large
river, but at low water it is dry in some places. Up above it divides
itself into two branches, one of which runs about north to Snake Hill
and Ackingsak; and the other, called the Northwest Kill, because it
extends in that direction, runs to Aquakenom, of which we will speak
hereafter.[188] We sailed inside of Schutters Island, although the
passage is very small, and thus obtained the in-running current;
because the flood tide which came from Achter Kol, and that from the
North River, strike each other here, and thus shoot together in this
kill. With much effort we reached the point of Elizabeth's Kill, where
we were compelled to come to anchor, at four o'clock. We all went
ashore, and lodged for the night in the house of the French people, of
whom we have spoken before, and who were not yet rid of the suspicion
they had conceived, notwithstanding the declarations we had made to
the contrary. We all slept on the floor, and supped upon what we had
brought with us. We were no sooner in the house, than it began to rain
and blow hard from the northwest, and to be very cold. We saw herein
the good providence of the Lord again, whom we had so many times,
during our journeying, so visibly perceived, watching and protecting
so faithfully those who cared for nothing, except for Him and to do
His will.

[Footnote 187: Piscataway, N.J., founded in 1666, some seven or eight
miles up the Raritan River from its mouth at Perth Amboy. Achter Kol,
below, was the Dutch name for what is now corruptly called Arthur
Kill, and, by extension, for Newark Bay and the portion of New Jersey
immediately west of Staten Island, Arthur Kill, and the Kill van

[Footnote 188: Hackensack and Passaic Rivers.]

_15th, Wednesday._ It still blew stiff out of the northwest, so that
our skipper had little disposition to weigh anchor and get under sail,
especially with the horses on board, although we would have willingly
proceeded. It was, therefore, determined that the horses should go by
land with the servant and brother of Ephraim, and the Quakers resolved
to do the same. The rest of the company went on board the boat, and
after taking in a large reef, we got under sail, with a head wind, but
ebb tide. It blew hard and squally, and we had to look out well, with
sheets in hand. We made good progress, and came to Smokers Hoeck,
which is about half way of Kil achter Kol. We came to anchor here,
because the next reach was directly against the wind, and it blew too
hard to tack. We all stepped ashore here, and went on foot to an
English village called Wout Brigg,[189] where we should find the
horses. Smoker's Hoeck is the easterly point of the kill, which runs
up to Wout Brigg, and we would have sailed up this creek, but it was
ebb tide. We passed over reasonably fair and good land, and observed
particularly fine salt meadows on the creek, on which there was built
a good grist mill,[190] and over which we had to cross. We arrived
about noon or one o'clock, at this English village. Ephraim, not
wishing to go with his family to the ordinary tavern, went to another
house or tavern, where he had been many times before, and where the
people were under some obligations to him. But he could not lodge
there now; and we were, therefore, compelled to go to the common
tavern, which was full of persons, sitting drinking, and where nothing
was to be obtained except that vile rum. Nevertheless, we had to pass
the day there, waiting for the boat and the baggage; but these did not
come up to-day, in consequence of the hard wind. We had, therefore, to
lie down here upon the ground all together, on a little hay, as we
had done last night.

[Footnote 189: Woodbridge, N.J., founded in 1665.]

[Footnote 190: The mill of Jonathan Dunham, whose house was standing
till 1871.]

_16th, Thursday._ The weather moderated and it cleared up, but we had
to wait till about noon, before the goods arrived from the boat, which
the skipper had to bring up in a canoe, because the boat could not
come. We obtained here another horse, making five horses we had, and
another servant of Ephraim. We then dined, and politely took our leave
of Madam van B.[191], the mother of Ephraim's wife, and of her two
sisters, who had come to conduct her as far as here, and from here
were to return home again in the same boat, but the little brother
went with us to the south, to live with Ephraim. It was then about
three o'clock, when we mounted the horses, namely, Ephraim and his
wife upon the best one, my comrade and myself each upon the one we had
obtained at Woodbridge, his brother and servant on one, and the other
servant upon another. _Our_ horses, like the riders, were very poor.
We proceeded on, however, and about four o'clock arrived at
Pescatteway, the last English village in New Jersey, for thus the
government of the Governor my Lord Catrix [Carteret] is called; which
begins on the west side of the North River, and extends about half way
to the South River, though this division did not seem to me to be well
made. We rode about two English miles through Pescatteway, to the
house of one Mr. Greenland,[192] who kept a tavern there. We had to
pass the night here, because it was the place of crossing the
Milstoons [Millstone] River, which they called the falls. Close by
there, also, was the dwelling of some Indians, who were of service to
this Mr. Greenland, in many things. We were better lodged and
entertained here, for we slept upon a good bed, and strengthened
ourselves against the future.

[Footnote 191: Madame van Brugh, _née_ Katrina Roelofs, later Madame
van Rodenburg, now the wife of Johannes Pieterszen van Brugh.]

[Footnote 192: Dr. Henry Greenland, formerly a resident of Newbury,
Mass., and of Kittery, Maine. The route which travellers at this time
took through New Jersey crossed the Raritan at the present site of New
Brunswick, and then proceeded to what is now Trenton. The crossing of
the Raritan is not mentioned in the journal.]

_17th, Friday._ As the water was high in the kill or Millstone River,
Ephraim would not ride over the fall, on account of the current of
water, which made it dangerous. He, therefore, determined after
breakfast we should be set across in a canoe, and the horses should
swim across, as they did. We reached the other side about nine
o'clock, and proceeded on horseback. The road from here to the falls
of the South River, runs for the most part W.S.W., and then W. It is
nothing but a foot-path for men and horses, between the trees and
through the small shrubs, although we came to places where there were
large plains, beset with a few trees, and grown over with long grass,
which was not the worst. When you have ridden a piece of the way, you
can see over the lands of the Nevesink, far off on the left hand, into
the ocean, affording a fine view. The land we rode over was neither
the best, nor the worst. The woods consist of reasonably straight oak
and hickory, with some chestnut, but they are not very close. They
would, therefore, afford tolerably good tillable land; but we observed
the best pieces lay here and there, along the creeks. We saw many deer
running before us, out of the road, sometimes five or six together,
starting off at the sound of the horses. When about half way, you come
to a high, but very rocky hill, which is very difficult for man or
beast to walk upon. After crossing it, you come to a large valley, the
descent to which, from this hill, is very steep, by a very shrubby
road; and you must dismount, in order to lead your horses down
carefully, as well as to descend carefully yourselves. We were in the
middle of this valley, when a company met us on horseback, from the
South River. They were acquaintances of Ephraim, and some of them were
his relations. They wished each other welcome, and mutually inquired
after various matters, after which we separated, exchanging one of our
horses, which Ephraim's brother rode, and was to be sent back to the
Manathans, for one of theirs, which must return to the South River. We
rode on a little further, and came to Millstone River again, which
runs so crookedly, that you cross it at three different places. After
we crossed it now, we took the bridles from the horses, in order that
they might eat something, while we sat down and dined together, upon
what we had in our travelling bags. We remounted in about an hour, and
rode on, continuing our way and course as before. About three o'clock
we came again to Millstone River, which we again waded over, but it
had gradually become smaller. Resuming our route, we arrived at the
falls of the South River about sundown, passing a creek where a new
grist-mill was erected by the Quakers, who live hereabouts in great
numbers, and daily increase.[193] But it seemed to us as if this mill
could not stand long, especially if the flow of water were heavy,
because the work was not well arranged. We rode over here, and went
directly to the house of the person who had constructed it, who was a
Quaker, where we dismounted, and willingly dismissed our horses. The
house was very small, and from the incivility of the inmates and the
unfitness of the place, we expected poor lodgings. As it was still
daylight, and we had heard so much of the falls of the South River,
or, at least, we ourselves had imagined it, we went back to the river,
in order to look at them; but we discovered we had deceived ourselves
in our ideas. We had supposed it was a place, where the water came
tumbling down in great quantity and force from a great height above,
over a rock into an abyss, as the word _falls_ would seem to imply,
and as we had heard and read of the falls of the North River, and
other rivers. But these falls of the South River are nothing more than
a place of about two English miles in length, or not so much, where
the river is full of stones, almost across it, which are not very
large, but in consequence of the shallowness, the water runs rapidly
and breaks against them, causing some noise, but not very much, which
place, if it were necessary, could be made navigable on one side. As
no Europeans live above the falls, they may so remain. This miller's
house is the highest up the river, hitherto inhabited. Here we had to
lodge; and although we were too tired to eat, we had to remain sitting
upright the whole night, not being able to find room enough to lie
upon the ground. We had a fire, however, but the dwellings are so
wretchedly constructed, that if you are not so close to the fire as
almost to burn yourself, you cannot keep warm, for the wind blows
through them everywhere. Most of the English, and many others, have
their houses made of nothing but clapboards, as they call them there,
in this manner: they first make a wooden frame, the same as they do in
Westphalia, and at Altena,[194] but not so strong; they then split the
boards of clapwood, so that they are like cooper's pipe staves, except
they are not bent. These are made very thin, with a large knife, so
that the thickest end is about as thick as a little finger, and the
other is made sharp, like the edge of a knife. They are about five or
six feet long, and are nailed on the outside of the frame, with the
ends lapped over each other. They are not usually laid so close
together, as to prevent you from sticking a finger between them, in
consequence either of their not being well joined, or the boards being
crooked. When it is cold and windy the best people plaster them with
clay. Such are almost all the English houses in the country, except
those they have which were built by people of other nations. Now this
house was new and airy; and as the night was very windy from the
north, and extremely cold with clear moonshine, I shall not readily
forget it. Ephraim and his wife obtained a bed; but we passed through
the night without sleeping much.

[Footnote 193: In 1675 the moiety of Berkeley and Carteret's grant
called West New Jersey came into the hands of three English Friends,
Penn, Lawrie, and Lucas, as trustees. In the four years since that
time more than a thousand Friends had settled in the province. The
owner of the mill was Mablon Stacey, a Yorkshire Quaker, who had just
built it, on Assanpink Creek, in what is now Trenton.]

[Footnote 194: The Labadists had dwelt at Herford in Westphalia from
1670 to 1672, and at Altona in Holstein from 1672 to 1675.]

_18th, Saturday._ About ten o'clock, after we had breakfasted, we
stepped into a boat, in order to proceed on our journey down the
river. The ebb tide was half run out. Although there is not much flood
tide here, as it is stopped by the falls, yet, the water rises and
falls with the ebb or flood, or through the ebb or flood, because the
water, although it runs down, increases through the flood, in
consequence of its being forced up, and is diminished with the ebb,
because the ebb gives it so much the more course to run down. We went
along, then, moving with the tide; but as Ephraim was suffering with
the quartan ague, and it was now its time to come on, we had to go and
lie by the banks of the river, in order to make a fire, as he could
not endure the cold in the boat. This continued for about an hour and
a half. The water was then rising, and we had to row against the
current to Borlinghton [Burlington], leaving the island of
Matinakonk[195] lying on the right hand. This island, formerly,
belonged to the Dutch governor, who had made it a pleasure ground or
garden, built good houses upon it, and sowed and planted it. He also
dyked and cultivated a large piece of meadow or marsh, from which he
gathered more grain than from any land which had been made from
woodland into tillable land. The English governor at the Manathans now
held it for himself, and had hired it out to some Quakers, who were
living upon it at present. It is the best and largest island in the
South River; and is about four English miles in length, and two in
breadth. It lies nearest to the east side of the river. At the end of
this island lies the Quakers' village, Borlington, which east side of
the river the Quakers have entirely in their possession, but how they
came into its possession, we will show in another place.[196] Before
arriving at this village, we stopped at the house of one Jacob
Hendrix, from Holstein, living on this side. He was an acquaintance of
Ephraim, who would have gone there to lodge, but he was not at home.
We, therefore, rowed on to the village, in search of lodgings, for it
had been dark all of an hour or more; but proceeding a little further,
we met this Jacob Hendrix, in a canoe with hay. As we were now at the
village, we went up to the tavern, but there were no lodgings to be
obtained there, whereupon we reembarked in the boat, and rowed back to
Jacob Hendrix's, who received us very kindly, and entertained us
according to his ability. The house, although not much larger than
where we were the last night, was somewhat better and tighter, being
made according to the Swedish mode, and as they usually build their
houses here, which are block-houses, being nothing else than entire
trees, split through the middle, or squared out of the rough, and
placed in the form of a square, upon each other, as high as they wish
to have the house; the ends of these timbers are let into each other,
about a foot from the ends, half of one into half of the other. The
whole structure is thus made, without a nail or a spike. The ceiling
and roof do not exhibit much finer work, except among the most careful
people, who have the ceiling planked and a glass window. The doors are
wide enough, but very low, so that you have to stoop in entering.
These houses are quite tight and warm; but the chimney is placed in a
corner. My comrade and myself had some deer skins, spread upon the
floor to lie on, and we were, therefore, quite well off, and could get
some rest. It rained hard during the night, and snowed and froze, and
continued so until the

_19th, Sunday_, and for a considerable part of the day, affording
little prospect of our leaving. At noon the weather improved, and
Ephraim having something to do at Borlinton, we accompanied him there
in the boat. We went into the meeting of the Quakers, who went to work
very unceremoniously and loosely. What they uttered was mostly in one
tone, and the same thing, and so it continued, until we were tired
out, and went away. We tasted here, for the first time, peach brandy,
or spirits, which was very good, but would have been better if it had
been more carefully made. Ephraim remained there for the evening, and
we returned back to our former lodgings, where we slept on a good bed,
the same that Ephraim and his wife had the night before. This gave us
great comfort, and recruited us greatly.

[Footnote 195: Matinnaconk Island lies in the Delaware River between
Bordentown an Burlington.]

[Footnote 196: See _post_, pp. 154-156.]


From Mr. P.L. Phillips's facsimile]

_20th, Monday._ We went again to the village this morning, and entered
the ordinary exhorters' house, where we breakfasted with Quakers, but
the most worldly of men in all their deportment and conversation. We
found lying upon the window a volume of Virgil, as if it were a common
hand-book, and also Helmont's book on _Medicine_,[197] whom, in an
introduction, which they have made to it, they make pass for one of
their sect, although in his life time he did not know anything about
Quakers; and if they had been in the world, or should have come into
it, while he lived, he would quickly have said, no, to them; but it
seems these people will make all those who have had any genius, in any
respect, more than common, pass for theirs; which is certainly great
pride, wishing to place themselves far above all others; whereas, the
most of them, whom I have seen as yet, are miserably self-minded, in
physical and religious knowledge. It was then about ten o'clock, and
it was almost noon before we left. The boat in which we had come as
far as there with its owner, who intended to return in it, was
exchanged for another, belonging to Oplant [Upland],[198] of which a
Quaker was master, who was going down with several others of the same
class; but as it was half ebb tide, and the shallop was lying far up
in the mud, no one of these zealous people was willing to bring her
through it, into the water. Ephraim, in order to get started, and to
shame them, did not hesitate long, and followed by his servant and
both of us, very soon had the boat afloat in the water. Pursuing our
journey, we arrived about two o'clock at the house of another Quaker,
on the west side of the river, where we stopped to eat our dinner and
dry ourselves. We left there in an hour, rowing our best against the
flood tide, until, at dark, we came to Takany,[199] a village of
Swedes and Finns, situated on the west side of the river. Ephraim
being acquainted, and having business here, we were all well received,
and slept upon a parcel of deer skins. We drank very good beer here,
brewed by the Swedes, who, although they have come to America, have
not left behind them their old customs.

[Footnote 197: Jean Baptiste van Helmont (1577-1644), an eminent
Belgian chemist, physiologist, and physician. Of his collected
writings, _Ortus Medicinae_, there were many editions and
translations, and one of the English versions may have been edited
with sympathy by a Quaker, for with much scientific acuteness Van
Helmont combined much mystical philosophy.]

[Footnote 198: Chester, Pennsylvania.]

[Footnote 199: Tacony, Philadelphia County.]

_21st, Tuesday._ The tide falling, we set out with the day, and rowed
during the whole ebb and part of the flood, until two or three
o'clock, when we arrived at the island of Tynakonk,[200] the fifth we
had passed. Matinakonk and this Tinakonk are the principal islands,
and the best and the largest. The others are of little importance, and
some of them, whose names we do not know, are all meadow and marsh,
others are only small bushes. The pleasantest thing about them is,
they afford an agreeable view and a variety to the traveller, and a
little _divertissement_ to those who go up and down the river; also
some conveniences for fishing in the river, and other accommodations
for the planters.

[Footnote 200: Tinicum Island, a few miles below the present site of
Philadelphia (which, it should be remembered, was not founded till
1682). On this island the Swedish governor Johan Printz had in 1643
built his stronghold of Nya Göteborg, or New Gothenburg, and his
mansion; and here, after his return to Sweden, his daughter Armegot
Printz, wife of his lieutenant and temporary successor Johan Papegoia,
lived from 1654 to 1662, and from 1673 to 1675.]

This Tinakonk is the island of which M. Arnout de La Grange[201] had
said so much; but we were much disappointed in comparing it with what
he had represented, and what M. La Motte has written about it. The
first mistake is in the name, which is not Matinakonk--the name rather
of the island of which we have spoken before--but Tinakonk. It lies on
the west side of the river, and is separated from the west shore, not
as he said, by a wide running branch of the river, as wide as the
Eemster, near Amsterdam, but by a small creek, as wide as a large
ditch, running through a meadow. It is long and covered with bushes,
and inside somewhat marshy. It is about two miles long, or a little
more, and a mile and a half wide. Although there are not less miles
than he said, he did not say they were English miles, which are only
one-fourth the length of Dutch miles, of fifteen to a degree. The
southwest point, which only has been and is still cultivated, is
barren, scraggy, and sandy, growing plenty of wild onions, a weed not
easily eradicated. On this point three or four houses are standing,
built by the Swedes, a little Lutheran church made of logs,[202] and
the remains of the large block-house, which served them in place of a
fortress, with the ruins of some log huts. This is the whole of the
manor. The best and pleasantest quality it has, is the prospect, which
is very agreeable, and one of the principal things for which Mons. La
Motte recommends it, namely, _belle videre_. I have made a sketch of
it, according to my ability.[203] But as to there being a mine of iron
ore upon it, I have not seen any upon that island, or elsewhere; and
if it were so, it is of no great importance, for such mines are so
common in this country, that little account is made of them. Although
Ephraim had told us every thing in regard to the condition of the
land, as well as the claim which Mons. de La Grange makes to it, yet
we ourselves have observed the former, and have ascertained the
latter, from a person who now resides there, which is as follows: When
the Swedish colony was flourishing under its own government, this
island belonged to a Mr. Papegay [Papegoia], the Swedish governor, who
lived upon it, and cultivated it, the church and the fort still
existing there as monuments to prove the fact. Although the Swedes
have had fortresses, from time to time, in several other places, at
this time, this was called New Gottenburg. This governor died leaving
a widow;[204] and she, Madam Papegay, sold the island, which was then
very flourishing, to the father of de La Grange, for six thousand
guilders, in the money of Holland, though the person who now lives
upon it says it was seven thousand guilders, to be paid in several
installments, here in New Netherland. Some of the first payments were
duly made by de La Grange, but the last two, I think, he was not so
ready to make, as he had to procure the money from Holland, and that,
I know not why, did not come. Thereupon Mons. de La Grange determined
to go to Holland himself, and bring the money with him; but he died on
the voyage, and the payments were not made. It remained so for a long
time, and at length the widow Papegay cited the widow de La Grange
before the court, claiming as her right, payment in full, or
restitution of the land, as de La Grange had been in possession of the
land for some years, and had enjoyed the profits, and the time for the
last payment had also expired some years before. In the mean time
comes one M. La Motte, who it seems was to assist Madam de La Grange,
either by discharging the debt or by defending the suit, and in order
the better to do so, he buys the island from the widow de La Grange,
seeking her also in marriage. But as Madam Papegay persevered, and the
affair of Mons. La Motte and the widow de La Grange came to nothing,
and on the other hand the widow de La Grange could not deliver the
land to La Motte, and La Motte could not pay, the widow de La Grange
was therefore condemned to restore the island to Madam Papegay, and
pay her costs, and also to pay the income which she had received from
the island for the time she had lived upon it, and for the buildings
which she had allowed to go to waste. Madam de La Grange, conceiving
this decree to be unjust, appealed to the high court--the country
having in the mean time been taken by the English--and was again
condemned, and therefore, had to deliver up the land.[205] Now, in
this last war with Sweden,[206] Madam Papegay, who has two brothers in
Sweden, in the service of the crown,[207] was sent for by them to come
home, whereupon, she sold the island to Mr. Otto Kuif[208] a
Holsteiner, who now lives upon it, for fifteen hundred guilders in
_zeewant_, as it was very much decayed and worn out. This is three
hundred guilders in the money of Holland. Hereupon, Madam Papegay
delivered full possession thereof to this Otto. Now, M. Arnout de La
Grange, as heir of his father, when he was here last year laid claim
to the island from Mr. Otto, who told him he did not know him in the
matter, and if M. de La Grange had any lawful claim, he must not apply
to him, but to the court, as his possession was under its judgment;
but if M. de La Grange wished to buy it from him, he would let him
have it for three hundred pounds sterling, or as they might agree.
Whereupon, de La Grange flew into a passion, and threatened to appeal
to London. "That you can do," said Otto, "if you have money enough.
All this affects me not, since I have bought and paid for it, and have
been put in possession of it by order of the court." De La Grange has
not proposed to purchase the island again of Mr. Otto, although he
could do it very favorably, notwithstanding Mr. Otto asked so much for
it. Ephraim told me that Mr. Otto had said to him, confidentially,
that in case he could obtain for it what it had cost him, he would let
it go, as he had other land lying elsewhere, and that he had asked so
much for it, merely to hear what he [de La Grange] would say, and in
order to scare him. Should you lay out three hundred guilders in
Holland for merchandise, and sell it here, which usually yields an
hundred per cent. profit, or is so reckoned in barter, you could have
this island almost for nothing, or at least for very little. But there
is better land to be bought cheaper. De La Grange has let this slip
by, and it seems as if he had not much inclination to stir the subject
any more. He has given me to understand that he disregards it, or at
least regards it as little now, as he formerly prized and valued it;
as indeed he shows, for he has now bought land on Christina Creek,
consisting of two or three old plantations, which, perhaps, are not
much better than this island, and cost him enough. He has obtained
another piece from the governor, lying between Burlington and the
falls, on the west side, but will not accomplish much with it. I
forgot to mention that de La Grange, four years ago when he was in
Holland, gave one Mr. Peter Aldrix,[209] who now resides on the South
River, and is one of the members of the court, authority to make this
man deliver the island to him, which Aldrix refused, and advised him
that he was well assured he could not accomplish anything with it. Yet
to satisfy La Grange he laid the matter before Mr. Otto, who gave him
the same answer he had given La Grange. As I understand and have
heard, La Grange bases his claim under the English law, that the son
is the heir of the father's possessions; but the possession of the
father being disputed, and he himself disinherited by two courts, the
claim is null and of no value.[210]

[Footnote 201: Here and in many other places the diarist spells the
name Grangie.]

[Footnote 202: Built by Governor Printz in 1646.]

[Footnote 203: This sketch is not preserved with the manuscript.]

[Footnote 204: Papegoia returned to Sweden in 1656, but did not die
till 1667.]

[Footnote 205: This suit of Madame de La Grange against Madame
Papegoia took place at New York in 1672.]

[Footnote 206: The Scanian War, 1675-1679.]

[Footnote 207: Her only brother, it appears, had died. But she had
three sons in the Swedish military and naval service in 1675.]

[Footnote 208: Otto Ernst Koch or Kock, a justice of the peace of the
court held at Upland during this period when the region on the right
bank of the Delaware River was under the administration of the Duke of

[Footnote 209: Peter Alrichs, a Dutchman of Nykerk near Groningen, had
been commandant of the region during the brief Dutch reoccupation of
1673-1674, and was now a justice of the Newcastle court. He was a
nephew of Jacob Alrichs, governor of the region 1657-1659, under the
rule of the city of Amsterdam.]

[Footnote 210: In the next year, 1681, Arnoldus de La Grange sued Kock
in the Upland court. The case was postponed "by reason that there's
noe court without Justice Otto, whoe is a party," and, under Penn's
government, was decided in favor of La Grange in 1683.]

When we arrived at this island, we were welcomed by Mr. Otto, late
_medicus_, and entertained at his house according to his condition,
although he lives poorly enough. In the evening there also arrived
three Quakers, of whom one was their greatest prophetess, who travels
through the whole country in order to _quake_. She lives in Maryland,
and forsakes husband and children, plantation and all, and goes off
for this purpose. She had been to Boston, and was there arrested by
the authorities on account of her quakery. This worthy personage came
here in the house where we were, although Ephraim avoided her.[211]
They sat by the fire, and drank a dram of rum with each other, and in
a short time afterwards began to shake and groan so, that we did not
know what had happened, and supposed they were going to preach, but
nothing came out of it. I could not endure them, and went out of
doors. They left for Upland, which is three or four miles from there
on the same side of the river, in the same boat in which we came.

[Footnote 211: Probably this was Alice Gary, formerly Alice Ambrose,
who in 1662 had been whipped at Dover and Hampton, N.H., and
Salisbury, Mass., and in 1665 had been punished at Boston, along with
Wenlock Christison. She now lived on West River, in Maryland.]

_22d, Wednesday._ It was rainy all this day, which gave us sufficient
time to explore the island. We had some good cider which he had made
out of the fruit from the remains of an old orchard planted by the
Swedish governor. The persons of whom we have before spoken having
left for Upland, Ephraim did not wish to go there because he thought
they would preach; and it being rainy, and no fit boat at hand, we
remained here the whole day. We saw an ox as large as they have in
Friesland or Denmark, and also quite fat--a species of which we have
observed more among the Swedes, and which thrive well. It clearing up
towards evening, we took a canoe and came after dark to Upland. This
is a small village of Swedes, although it is now overrun by English.
We went to the house of the Quaker who had brought us down, and
carried the other persons from Tinakonk. His name was Robert Willemsen
or Weert.[212] We found here the prophetess or _apostle-ess_, with her
company. Among others, there were two widows, who were at variance,
and whom the prophetess with all her authority and spiritual power
could not reconcile, or had not endeavored to do so. They would have
been compelled to have gone before the court, had not Ephraim striven
his best to make them adjust the matter, and brought them to a
settlement. One of these widows, named Anna Salters, lived at Takany,
and was one of those who, when ----[213] gave himself out as the Lord
Jesus, and allowed himself to be carried around on an ass, shouted
Hosanna as he rode over their garments, for which conduct he was
arrested, his tongue bored through with a red-hot iron, and his
forehead branded with a B, for blasphemer. She was not only one of
those, but she anointed his head and feet, and wiped them with her
hair. The other widow, named Lysbeth, was also one of the principal
persons. She lived a little lower down than Takoney, on the same side
of the river. The state of the difference between them was this. They
had agreed between themselves to exchange or barter their
plantations, and each made a writing and each kept her own. Anna
Salters afterwards repented her bargain, and went to Elizabeth, and
desired that each should take back the writing subscribed by her; but
it so happened that Anna Salters went away, having given up hers, and
the other not being then to be found. She had given hers to Elizabeth,
supposing she would afterwards obtain the other; but when she went
again to demand it, Elizabeth said the paper had become wet, and in
her attempting to dry it, was burnt up. It was believed that Elizabeth
had the two writings in her possession, and consequently both
plantations, which, they said, she wanted to sell privately. Whereupon
Anna called upon her to restore either the deed or the plantation.
Elizabeth charged that Anna was indebted to her for a certain amount
of tobacco, which she had taken to England for her, and of which she
had never been able to obtain a correct account. It was really
confusion and rascality. Elizabeth, who was a bad person, appealed
always to some papers which she said she had not with her. Ephraim who
was clerk of both the courts, namely, of Upland and Nieu Castel
[Newcastle],[214] wrote down separately from the beginning the claims
which they set up against each other, and decided that the plantations
should be mutually restored, and the debts balanced, and he made them
agree to it, although Elizabeth was very unwilling. Robbert Weert, who
is the best Quaker we have yet seen, and his wife, who is a good
woman, were both troubled, as they said, as also was the prophetess,
that such things should take place among their people before
strangers, and be settled through them, and when there were other
strangers present. Whereupon Ephraim said, "Who do you suppose we are?
Possibly we are as good Christians as you are." And certainly he
exhibited something more christianly in reconciling and pacifying them
than they who brewed this work had done, or those who would be so very
devout that they would neither speak to them authoritatively nor
admonish them with kindness to any effect. The Lord has caused us to
see this example that we might know that these people are still
covetous, and that almost all of them are attached to the world and to
themselves--that is, they are worldly people, which shows the
holiness of the spirit by which they are actuated! As regards Anna
Salters, it was said she was mundane, carnal, covetous, and artful,
although she appeared to be the most pious. Her sayings and
discussions were continually mixed up with protestations of the
presence and omniscience of God, and upon the salvation of her soul,
so truly gross that if the ordinary boors had talked so, they would
have been punished and expelled. But what are not those people capable
of, who present themselves to be carried away as we have mentioned
above; as well as others in this country, who publish and declare,
one, that she is Mary the mother of the Lord; another, that she is
Mary Magdalen, and others that they are Martha, John, etc.,
scandalizers, as we heard them in a tavern, who not only so called
themselves, but claimed to be really such. For this reason, Mr. Weert
would no longer have them in his house, making them leave, although it
was well in the evening; for the Weerts said they could not endure it.
Indeed, God the Lord will not let that pass by, for it is not far from
blasphemy. He will bring them to justice, if they be of His elect.

[Footnote 212: Robert Wade, who had come out with Fenwick in 1675, and
settled at Salem, N.J., but presently removed to Upland (Chester). He
and his wife were probably the first Quakers in Pennsylvania. Penn
occupied this house when he first landed in 1682, and here the first
assembly of Pennsylvania met.]

[Footnote 213: James Naylor. The episode occurred at Bristol, England,
in 1656. Anna Salters was at that time Anna or Hannah Strayer, whose
conduct in that episode was as here described.]

[Footnote 214: So appointed by Governor Andros in 1676.]

It was very late in the evening, in consequence of this dispute,
before we supped and went to sleep. We were taken to a place to sleep
directly before an open window, to which there was no shutter, so that
it could not be closed, and as the night was very cold, and it froze
hard, we could scarcely keep ourselves warm.

_23d, Thursday._ It was late before we left here, and we therefore had
time to look around a little, and see the remains of the residence of
Madame Papegay, who had had her dwelling here when she left Tinakonk.
We had nowhere seen so many vines together as we saw here, which had
been planted for the purpose of shading the walks on the river side,
in between the trees. The dinner being ready, I was placed at the
table next to the beforenamed prophetess, who while they all sat at
the table, began to groan and quake gradually until at length the
whole bench shook. Then rising up she began to pray, shrieking so that
she could be heard as far as the river. This done, she was quickly in
the dish, and her mouth began immediately to prate worldly and common
talk in which she was not the least ready. When the meal was finished,
Ephraim obtained a horse for himself and his wife, and we followed
him on foot, carrying our travelling bags. Our host took us to the
path, and Ephraim's servant was to act as our guide. In travelling
along we observed the difference between the soil on the North River
and this, and also that this difference was not so great as is usually
asserted. After we had proceeded about three hours, our guide missed
the way, and we had gone a good distance before he became aware of it,
and would have gone on still further if we had not told him that we
thought the course we were going was wrong. We therefore left one
road, and went straight back in search of the other which we at length
found. A man overtook us who was going the same way, and we followed
him. We crossed the Schiltpads Kill,[215] where there was a fall of
water over the rocks, affording a site for a grist-mill which was
erected there. This Schilpads Kil is nothing but a branch or arm of
Christine Kill into which it discharges itself, and is so named on
account of the quantities of tortoises which are found there. Having
crossed it we came to the house of the miller who was a Swede or
Holsteiner whom they usually call Tapoesie. He was short in person,
but a very friendly fellow. Ephraim had told us we would find him such
as we did, for he had ridden there before us. He had, as it appeared,
several well-behaved children, among whom was a little girl who
resembled very much our little Judith in her whole countenance and
figure, and was about the same age, and had she met us by our house, I
should have considered her Judith. Her name was Anne Mary. We were
welcome here, and were entertained according to the man's

[Footnote 215: Turtle Creek, now Shelpot Creek. At its falls the
Swedes had built a mill in 1662.]

_24th, Friday._ Ephraim having some business here, we did not leave
very speedily. This miller had shot an animal they call a muskrat, the
skin of which we saw hanging up to dry. He told us they were numerous
in the creeks. We asked them why they gave them that name, and he said
because they smelt so, especially their testicles, which he had
preserved of this one, and gave my comrade, remarking that they were
intended for some amateur or other, and he could do little with them.
The muskrat is not larger than the common rat. It has gray hair, and
the fleece is sometimes sold with other peltries, but it is not worth
much, although it has some odor. It was about noon when we were set
across the creek in a canoe. We proceeded thence a small distance over
land to a place where the fortress of Christine[216] had stood which
had been constructed and possessed by the Swedes, but taken by the
Dutch governor, Stuvesant, and afterwards, I believe, demolished by
the English. We went into a house here belonging to some Swedes, with
whom Ephraim had some business. We were then taken over Christine
Creek in a canoe, and landed at the spot where Stuyvesant threw up his
battery to attack the fort, and compelled them to surrender.[217] At
this spot there are many medlar trees which bear good fruit from which
one Jaquet,[218] who does not live far from there, makes good brandy
or spirits, which we tasted and found even better than French brandy.
Ephraim obtained a horse at this Jaket's, and rode on towards
Santhoek, now Newcastle, and we followed him on foot, his servant
leading the way. We arrived about four o'clock at Ephraim's house,
where we congratulated each other, and were glad, thanking the Lord in
our hearts for His constantly accompanying grace. We found here the
young brother of the wife with the servant, who had come with the
horses from the falls overland, and had been at the house several
days. We also saw here Ephraim's sister, Miss Margaret Hermans,[219]
who showed us much kindness. She was a little volatile, but of a sweet
and good disposition. She had been keeping house during the absence of
Ephraim. Truly the Lord has in all these things been very good to us,
for we knew not where to go, and He has directed us among these
people, who have done out of love what they have shown us. We knew not
where to lodge, and He has provided us lodgings where we were so free
and had, according to the circumstances of the time, what we desired.
We hope and doubt not the Lord will visit that house in grace, and
even gives us some assurances in what we have seen.

[Footnote 216: The creek mentioned was Brandywine Creek. Fort
Christina stood on a part of the present site of Wilmington, Delaware.
For the Dutch conquest of it in 1655, see _Narratives of New
Netherland_, in this series, pp. 379-386, and _Narratives of Early
Pennsylvania_, pp. 167-176.]

[Footnote 217: Fort Christina stood on the north side of Christina
Creek. Stuyvesant's main battery was erected behind the fort, on the
land or north side of it, but he also had works on the opposite or
south side of Christina Creek. Lindström's original plan of the siege
may be seen reproduced in Dr. Amandus Johnson's _The Swedish
Settlements on the Delaware_, II. 602.]

[Footnote 218: Jean Paul Jaquet was vice-director on the Delaware
during the initial period of Dutch control, 1655-1657.]

[Footnote 219: Anna Margareta, eldest of the three daughters of
Augustine Herrman of Bohemia Manor. She afterward married Matthias

_25th, Saturday._ We rested a little to-day. Ephraim and his wife and
we ourselves had several visits from different persons who came to
welcome us, as Mons. Jan Moll,[220] whom we had conversed with in New
York, and who now offered us his house and all things in it, even
pressing them upon us. But we were not only contented with our present
circumstances, but we considered that we should not be doing right to
leave Ephraim's house without reason. We therefore thanked him, but
nevertheless in such a manner, that we took notice of his kindness,
and answered accordingly. Pieter Aldrix also showed us much attention,
as did others, to all of whom we returned our thanks. We went out to
view this little place, which is not of much moment, consisting of
only forty or fifty houses. There is a fine prospect from it, as it
lies upon a point of the river where I took a sketch.[221]

[Footnote 220: Presiding justice of the court at Newcastle. See
_post_, p. 144.]

[Footnote 221: This Newcastle sketch seems not to have survived.]

_26th, Sunday._ We went to the church, but the minister, Tessemaker,
who has to perform service in three places, over the river, at the
Sandhook, and at Apoquemene,[222] was to-day over the river, and there
was, therefore, nothing done, except what was done by a poor limping
clerk, as he was a cripple and poor in body. He read from a book a
sermon, or short explanation, and sang and made a prayer, if it may be
called such, and then the people went home. In the afternoon there was
a prelection again about the catechism.

[Footnote 222: Appoquinimink Creek, in the lower part of Newcastle
County, Delaware.]

_27th, Monday._ The weather was sharp and windy. We had intended to
proceed on our journey but we could not very well do so. My comrade
had also been indisposed in the night. We therefore waited for the
opportunity which the Lord would present. Meanwhile we had another
visit. Ephraim advised us to wait a day or two until his brother,
Kasparus Herman,[223] whom he expected there, should arrive, and who
would conduct us farther into Maryland.

[Footnote 223: Kasparus Herrman, second son of Augustine Herrman of
Bohemia Manor. Andros in 1676 had confirmed him in the possession of
lands on the northeast side of Augustine Creek in Delaware, a part of
St. Augustine Manor (see note 2 on page 112), and here we may assume
that he was living, near Reedy Isle.]

_28th, Tuesday._ Little transpired while we were waiting to-day,
except that we spoke to several persons of the way of the Lord, and
particularly to the sister of Ephraim, Miss Margaret, who received
with some favor what was said to her, and also to Ephraim and his
wife, who we hope will bring forth the seed the Lord has sown in them,
in His own time.

_29th, Wednesday._ We were still waiting, although Ephraim had sent
for his brother; but we obtained tidings that he had gone to Maryland,
and was coming back home immediately, as he had gone to visit his
father who lives at the entrance into Maryland and was sick.

_30th, Thursday._ The weather had been cold and windy, but had now
cleared up; so that some of the servants of Kasparus came, who
confirmed the account that their master had gone to Maryland, but they
were expecting him home. Whereupon Mons. Moll, who had to go to one of
his plantations lying on the road leading to Kasparus's house,
requested us to accompany him, so that the servants of Kasparus on
their return home would find us at his place and take us on to the
house of Kasparus. We accordingly started, Mr. Moll riding on
horseback and we following him on foot, carrying our travelling sacks,
but sometimes exchanging with him, and thus also riding a part of the
way. This plantation of his is situated about fifteen miles from the
Sandhook. It was about ten o'clock in the morning when we took leave
of our friends and left. We passed through a tolerably good country,
but the soil was a little sandy, and it was three o'clock in the
afternoon when we reached the plantation. There were no persons there
except some servants and negroes, the commander being a Parisian. The
dwellings were very badly appointed, especially for such a man as
Mons. Moll. There was no place to retire to, nor a chair to sit on, or
a bed to sleep on. For their usual food the servants have nothing but
maize bread to eat, and water to drink, which sometimes is not very
good and scarcely enough for life, yet they are compelled to work
hard. They are brought from England in great numbers into Maryland,
Virginia and the Menades and sold each one according to his condition,
for a certain term of years, four, five, six, seven or more. And thus
they are by hundreds of thousands compelled to spend their lives here
and in Virginia and elsewhere in planting that vile tobacco, which all
vanishes into smoke, and is for the most part miserably abused.[224]
It is the chief article of trade in the country. If they only wished
it they could have everything for the support of life in abundance,
for they have land and opportunity sufficient for that end; but this
insatiable avarice must be fed and sustained by the bloody sweat of
these poor slaves. After we had supped, Mr. Moll, who would be civil,
wished us to lie upon a bed that was there, and he would lie upon a
bench, which we declined; and as this continued some length of time I
lay down on a heap of maize, and he and my comrade afterwards did the
same. This was very uncomfortable and chilly, but it had to go so.

[Footnote 224: Great numbers of indented white servants came into
Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. See E.I. MacCormac, _White
Servitude in Maryland_, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, XXII.]

DECEMBER _1st, Friday._ Mr. Moll wishing to do us every kindness, as
he indeed did do many, wrote addresses which might be serviceable to
us in Maryland, for he was not only very well known there, but had
influence among the people by reason of the trade they had with each
other, and of his being a member of the court, and having some
authority. He also gave us some letters of recommendation and credit
in case we might have any necessity for the latter, in all which he
indeed showed he had an affection for us. After we had breakfasted,
the servants of Kasparus not having arrived, he himself conducted us
to one of the nearest plantations where his cooper was, who had also
something to do for Kasparus, and would conduct us farther on, as took
place; and we arrived about three o'clock at the house of Kasparus.
But he had not yet come home nor had the servants arrived, for whom we
had been waiting.

_2d, Saturday._ We waited here all this day, and had time and
opportunity to explore this place, which they call St. Augustine.[225]
We found that it was well situated, and would not badly suit us.
There are large and good meadows and marshes near it, and the soil is
quite good. It has much good timber and a very fine prospect, for
looking from the strand you can see directly south into the mouth of
the bay, as this place lies on the west side of the river in a bend.
There is much land attached to it, which he purchased from the Indians
for almost nothing, or nothing to signify. Towards evening two
Englishmen and a Quaker stopped here to pass the night who were also
going to Maryland.

[Footnote 225: This was one of Augustine Herrman's estates. His
possessions included Bohemia Manor and Little Bohemia (acquired in
1662), St. Augustine's Manor (1671), and Misfortune, or the Three
Bohemian Sisters (1682). All lay in the region between Elk River and
the Delaware. Bohemia Manor was the tract in present Maryland between
Bohemia River (and Great Bohemia Creek) and Back Creek, Little Bohemia
that between Great and Little Bohemia Creek, the Three Bohemia Sisters
a tract north of Back Creek, and St. Augustine, the tract in present
Delaware east of Bohemia Manor and extending from St. George's Creek
or the present line of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal southward to
Appoquinnimink or perhaps Blackbird Creek. The tract which the
Labadists afterward purchased lay in the southeast part of Bohemia
Manor, east of the manor-house, and on the north side of Great Bohemia
Creek. Their house was still standing a few years ago. Our travellers
had gone down the Delaware River some fifteen miles from Newcastle,
and were now near the present Port Penn, Delaware.]

_3d, Sunday._ The Englishmen left this morning at daylight, and after
breakfast we determined also to leave, delivering a letter, which
Ephraim had given us for his brother, to his wife. We started at nine
o'clock, and followed a large broad wagon road, which Kasparus had
made through the woods, from his house to his father's, who lived in
the uppermost part of Maryland, that is, as high up as it is yet
inhabited by Christians. This road is about twenty-two miles long, and
runs almost due west, but a little more northerly than southerly.[226]
When we were about half way we met Kasparus on horseback with a cart,
his wife having described him to us. We told him we had been to his
house waiting for him, and had left a letter there for him from his
brother. He regretted, he said, he had not known it and was not at
home, but he hoped, and so did we, that we should be able to converse
together on our return, and with this we pursued our respective roads.
It was very warm to-day, and we were all in a perspiration. We reached
Augustynus Hermans[227] the father of these two brothers, about three
o'clock. This Augustynus Hermans is a Bohemian, and formerly lived on
the Manathans, and had possessed farms or plantations there, but for
some reason, I know not what, disagreeing with the Dutch governor,
Stuyvesant, he repaired to this place, which is laid down upon a
complete map, which he has made of Maryland and Virginia, where he is
very well acquainted, which map he has dedicated to the king. In
consequence of his having done the people of these two countries a
great service, he has been presented with a tract of land of about a
thousand or twelve hundred acres, which he, knowing where the best
land was, has chosen up here, and given it the name of Bohemia.[228]
It is a noble piece of land, indeed the best we have seen in all our
journey south, having large, thick, and high trees, much black walnut
and chestnut, as tall and straight as a reed.

[Footnote 226: In 1671 the New York authorities ordered those at
Newcastle to clear one-half of a road from there to Augustine
Herrman's plantation, the Marylanders having agreed to clear the other
half. In a rare tract, _Copies of some Records and Depositions
Relating to the Great Bohemia Manor_ (1721), Herrman van Barkelo, an
elderly resident, describing the "old Highway Road or Delaware Path
about Thirty eight Years ago," and giving some reminiscences of
Ephraim Herrman about the same time (1683), when the deponent lived
with the Labadists on Bohemia Manor, adds that as he then "travelled
the ... Delaware Road, ... he observed the Trees marked or notched
along the said Delaware Road Sides, that the Notches seemed to him to
be made about Eight or Ten Years before that Time."]

[Footnote 227: See the Introduction, p. xvii. Augustine Herrman, born
in Prague in 1608, seems to have resided at New Amsterdam most of the
time from 1633 to 1659. In the latter year he was sent on an embassy
into Maryland. His journal of that embassy is printed in _Narratives
of Early Maryland_, in this series, pp. 309-333. From 1662 to his
death in 1686 he lived on his estates in Maryland, already described,
and was the great man of northeastern Maryland. His house stood till
1815, when it was destroyed by fire.]

[Footnote 228: Twenty thousand acres, rather, or perhaps twenty-four
thousand. The map, one of the finest ever executed in English America
in the seventeenth century, is entitled _Virginia and Maryland, As it
is Planted and Inhabited this present Year 1670 Surveyed and Exactly
Drawne by the Only Labour and Endeavour of Augustin Herrman
Bohemiensis_. It was engraved by Faithorne. Only one copy is now
known, that in the British Museum. A facsimile was lately published by
Mr. P. Lee Phillips (Washington, 1911).]

It was, then, on this day and at this plantation, that we made our
entry into Maryland, which was so named, I believe, in Queen Mary's
time,[229] when it was discovered or began to be settled. It is a
large territory, but has as yet no fixed boundaries, except only on
the south where it is separated from Virginia by a straight line
running westerly from ----[230] to the river. All north of this line
is Maryland, and all south of it Virginia. On the east it is bounded
by New Netherland, but that line is undefined; and on the north and
west indefinitely by the Indians. It comprises four great provinces,
as ----. The principal rivers are on the east side of the bay of

[Footnote 229: Queen Henrietta Maria, consort of Charles I.]

[Footnote 230: On the east side of Chesapeake Bay the line of division
between Maryland and Virginia ran east from Watkins Point on the bay
shore to the Atlantic. On the west side the boundary was the Potomac.]

[Footnote 231: Chesapeake.]

Maryland is considered the most fertile portion of North America, and
it were to be wished that it was also the most healthy, though it is
more healthy than its neighbor, Virginia, which has to give passage by
water through the great bay of ----,[232] to Maryland. It is also very
rich in fish as well as in all kinds of water fowl. There are few
Indians in comparison with the extent of country. When the English
first discovered and settled Virginia and Maryland, they did great
[wrong] to these poor people, and almost exterminated them.[233]

[Footnote 232: Chesapeake.]

[Footnote 233: The travellers had no first-hand knowledge of the
subject, and their comment is without authentic value.]

To return to Augustine Hermans, he was sick when we arrived at his
house.[234] We found there the three Englishmen before mentioned, who
had left the house of Kasparus in the morning. They were about
proceeding further on their journey. We delivered to Augustine a
letter from his son Ephraim, and related to him how we had travelled
with him from the Manathans, and how he was, which rejoiced him.
Becoming thus acquainted he showed us every kindness he could in his
condition, as he was very miserable, both in soul and body. His
plantation was going much into decay, as well as his body, for want of
attention. There was not a Christian man, as they term it, to serve
him; nobody but negroes. All this was increased by a miserable, doubly
miserable wife;[235] but so miserable that I will not relate it here.
All his children have been compelled on her account to leave their
father's house. He spoke to us of his land, and said he would never
sell or hire it to Englishmen, but would sell it to us cheap, if we
were inclined to buy. But we satisfied ourselves and him by looking at
it then, hoping that we might see each other on our return. We were
directed to a place to sleep, but the screeching of the wild geese
and other wild fowl in the creek before the door, prevented us from
having a good sleep, though it answered.

[Footnote 234: "My father is and has been all this winter extreme
weakly." Ephraim Herrman to Secretary Matthias Nicolls, Newcastle,
January 17, 1680.]

[Footnote 235: A second wife, of whom little is otherwise known.]

_4th, Monday._ After breakfast we were set over this creek, or Bohemia
River, in a canoe, after Augustine had, as the head man of the place,
signed the passport which Mr. Moll, Ephraim and Aldrix had given us.
Our first address was to one Mr. van Waert,[236] who had arrived from
England the day before, and who gave us little news, except that a
certain skipper Jacob, who lived at the Manathans, had left England
some days before him, bound there. We were glad of this, thinking we
would receive some letters from Fatherland, as we had, when we were at
Newcastle, written to our hostess at New York, that in case the
skipper Jacob had letters for us, she should send them to the South
River. Towards evening we came to a Swede's, named Mouns,[237] where
we had to be put across a creek, after we had mistaken the road. We
spent the night with him, and were entirely welcome. He and his wife
and some of his children spoke good Dutch, and conversed with us about
various matters concerning the country.

[Footnote 236: Probably Captain Henry Ward, several times member of
assembly from Cecil County, who had a plantation in Sassafras Neck.]

[Footnote 237: Probably Måns Andersson. He and Hendrick Hendrickson,
mentioned below, are known as petitioners for naturalization in 1674.]

_5th, Tuesday._ We left after breakfast, and he took us upon the road
to go to Captain Frisby's.[238] Leaving Mr. Blacstoon's [Blackstone's]
plantation on the right hand of Frisby's, we came to the court house
standing on the Sassafrix [Sassafras] River, which is also an
ordinary. We requested to be taken over the river, as there is a ferry
here, which they did, and it cost us each an English shilling. We then
travelled along the river until we came to a small creek, which runs
very shallow over the strand into the river. Here we had to take off
our shoes and stockings in order to cross over, although it was
piercing cold. We continued some distance further, along the river, to
the Great Bay, when we came to another creek and called out to be
taken across, which was done. The road was shown us further on to Mr.
Howel's, where we had a letter of recommendation and credit to
deliver Captain Seybry,[239] who was not at home, but had gone to the
ships which had arrived. So we gave the letter to Mr. Howel, to hand
to Mr. Seybry. We slept here this night, and were welcome.

[Footnote 238: Captain James Frisby, member of the Maryland assembly
for Cecil County in 1678. George Fox held a notable meeting at his
house in 1672. The first court-house of Cecil County was erected on
the north side of Sassafras River, a short distance east of what is
still called Ordinary Point.]

[Footnote 239: Captain Nathan Sybrey was a member of assembly for
Cecil County in 1678. The Great Bay, above, means the Chesapeake.
"Howel's Point" is noted on Herrman's map, at the mouth of Sassafras

_6th, Wednesday._ This morning we crossed a creek, and were shown the
way to another plantation, where we would be set over still another.
To this plantation we soon came, but the people excused themselves
from taking us over, saying that their canoe was not at home, and sent
us to another plantation on the right. We crossed there and saw on
almost every tree one or two grape-vines, and that for a long distance
along the road until we reached the plantation of one Hendrick
Hendricksen, where no one was at home except a woman, who nevertheless
lent us a canoe with which we might not only cross over, but go a
considerable distance down the creek, trusting her canoe to us. We
arrived in this at the plantation of Mr. Hopkins, who was not at home.
Being fatigued, and not having yet breakfasted, we asked for something
to drink that clear water from, and afterwards for something to eat;
but we could obtain nothing except a piece of maize bread with which
we satisfied ourselves. The worst was, she would not show us the way,
which, however, we found ourselves. We arrived at noon at Salsberry's,
who also was not at home. They had all sailed down below to the ships.
But we found a good old woman who immediately put before us something
to eat, and gave us some exceedingly good cider to drink. We were,
therefore, somewhat strengthened. This plantation is one of the most
pleasantly situated I have seen, having upon the side of the great bay
a fine prospect, and a pretty view in the distance, as the sketch
shows.[240] We left here about three o'clock, and were taken across
the creek and put upon the road, and at evening came to the house of
one Richard Adams, an Englishman, who had a Dutch wife born at
Deventer. The husband was not at home, and she had almost forgotten
her Dutch. However, we were welcome, and we remained there for the
night, and rested reasonably well.

[Footnote 240: The sketch is not preserved. The place would seem to be
west of Newtown, Maryland, where Herrman's map indicates "Salsbury
Creek." Richard Adams was a petitioner to the Maryland assembly from
Cecil County in 1681.]

_7th, Thursday._ We left there after breakfast, and were put across a
creek which runs by the door, and shown the road to go to an English
plantation. The owner was not at home, but we first passed a small
plantation where an Amsterdamer was engaged in carpenter work, who
very willingly pointed out the road. We found at the Englishman's a
young man from Middelburgh,[241] who had been sold as a servant, but
had served out his time. He was in the last English war, had been
taken by a privateer and carried to Virginia, and there sold for four
years, which having expired, he thought of returning to Fatherland
next year. We were unacquainted with each other, but he was glad to
see one of his countrymen. He took us to the road, and we proceeded on
to a plantation where the people were in the woods working, to whom we
went to inquire the way. The master of the plantation came to meet us,
accompanied by his wife and a person who spoke high Dutch.[242] The
owner's name was Miller. We told him we wished to learn the road to
Mr. Hosier's. He was about to show us the way, but as this was far
around, his wife said he had better let us be taken over a creek which
ran in front of his plantation, and we would have a less distance to
go, whereupon he gave us directions that it should be so done. We
thanked him, and went to his plantation for the purpose of going over,
but we were not there soon enough, for there was a man gone over who
was now almost on the other side, who called out to us that he was not
coming back, because there was another canoe on this side where there
was a woman. This I immediately launched in the water, as we had
permission, and went over, and the woman took it back. We had here as
company the man who had crossed over before us, for a piece of the
way, and he directed us to another plantation, also with a creek in
front of it where we had to cross. There was no one here except some
women attending upon another sick woman. The man who had travelled
with us a part of the way, afterwards came up and again directed us,
but we came to a different plantation from what we intended. If we had
gone to right hand, we should have proceeded straight, for we should
then have found Mr. Commegys, a Dutchman, whom we were in search of
according to the address Mr. Moll had given us, and for whom we had
inquired.[243] We should have found him with many of his people
bringing slaughtered meat over the creek. The owner of the plantation
we had come to, had no canoe at home; but he assisted us by going with
us himself, where a son of Mr. Commegys, as he said, worked a
plantation, who, if he heard us call, would certainly come and take us
over. But when we came to the creek we saw all those people who had
carried the meat over in the boat, but this man did not know them, and
doubted whether they were Commegys's men. We arrived at last at
Cornelis's, the son of Commegys, and called out to him, and he brought
a canoe which relieved us, as it was close on to evening. We thanked
the person who had brought us, and stepped into the canoe. Cornelis,
who was an active young man, was pleased to meet Hollanders, although
he himself was born in this country. We found Mr. Commegys on the next
plantation, who bade us welcome, and after we had drunk some cider,
accompanied us with one of his company to Mr. Hosier's, who was a good
generous-hearted man, better than any Englishman we had met with in
this country. He had formerly had much business with Mr. Moll, but
their affairs in England running behindhand a little, they both came
and settled down here; and, therefore, Mr. Moll and he had a great
regard for each other. He showed us very particular attention,
although we were strangers. Something was immediately set before Mr.
Commegys and ourselves to eat, in which the wife manifested as much
kindness as the husband. This was not unacceptable, for we had eaten
nothing all day. They requested Mr. Commegys and us very urgently to
stay all night, but he desired to go home, although it was two or
three hours distant from there, and it already began to grow dark.
However, we left with him on foot, but he obtained a horse on the road
which enabled him to travel better than we could with our wearied
feet. We reached his house about eight o'clock, where he and his wife
bade us welcome. We were well entertained, and went easily to sleep,
having travelled during the day a great distance.

[Footnote 241: Where Danckaerts had lived.]

[Footnote 242: German.]

[Footnote 243: An act of assembly of 1671 naturalized Cornelius
Commegys the elder, Millementy [so in the act as printed, read
Willemtje] his wife, and his four children, Cornelius, Elizabeth,
William, and Hannah, the first born in Virginia, the younger three in
Maryland. He settled at Quaker Neck on the Chester River, in Kent
County, below Chestertown.]

_8th, Friday._ We advised this morning with Mr. Commegys as to
proceeding further down to Virginia, and crossing the bay, in
pursuance of the address which we had received from Mr. Moll, and our
recollection, to wit, that arriving at Mr. Commegys's we should then
consult him, and he would give us further information. In talking the
matter over with him, he said, he saw no probability of our being able
to accomplish this, and advised us against it, for several reasons.
First, the country below there was full of creeks and their branches,
more so than that we had passed over, and it was difficult to get
across them, as boats were not always to be obtained, and the people
were not very obliging. As to going by water, either down or across
the bay, there was not much navigating at this time of year, the
winter being so close at hand, and the worst of it would be to get
back again. To go by sea to the South River, or New York, there was
not much opportunity, and it was attended with great danger and
inconvenience. As to exploring the land, he assured us we had seen the
best; the rest of it was poor and covered with bushes, especially in
Virginia. It would cost us much at this time, and we would have to do
with a godless and very crafty people, who would be the more so
towards us, because we were strangers who could not speak their
language, and did not understand the customs of the country, and so
forth, all which we took into consideration. After breakfast a man
arrived with a letter from Mr. Miller, requesting Commegys to go with
him in his boat across the bay to the ships. Commegys not wishing to
go, answered the letter, and said to us in general terms something
about a man who wished to cross the bay in a boat, but he did not
express himself fully, and we also did not understand him well. We
supposed the man was at his plantation with a boat, and after waiting
awhile without perceiving anything of him, we asked him where the man
was with the boat. He said he was not there, but that it was Captain
Miller's boat which was going, and he lived about ten or twelve miles
off. We immediately resolved to go there, which we did, about noon,
after having breakfasted and dined together. Mr. Commegys was from
Vianen,[244] and had had a Dutch woman for a wife, who had taught her
children to speak the Dutch language; they therefore had a kind
disposition towards Hollanders. After her death he married an English
woman, and he had himself learned many of the English maxims, although
it was against his feelings; for we were sensible that he dared not
work for us with an open heart. He told us he would rather live at the
Cape of Good Hope than here. "How is that," said I, "when there is
such good land here?" "True," he replied, "but if you knew the people
here as well as I do, you would be able to understand why."

[Footnote 244: Vianen is in South Holland, near the borders of
Utrecht. The act of naturalization and the record of their marriage at
New Amsterdam in 1658 speak of him as born in Lexmont (Leksmond, a
village near Vianen) and his wife in Barneveld, a village near

We departed from his house over the same road by which we had come,
thinking that if nothing more should result from this opportunity, we
would at least have advanced so far on our way back. We arrived at
about three o'clock at Mr. Hosier's,[245] who received us kindly, and
would have cheerfully kept us all night, but understanding our
intention, he not only let us go and showed us the road, but went with
us himself in order to facilitate our getting over the creek; but on
arriving at the next plantation on the creek, there was no canoe to
put us over, and he therefore took us to another, the same one where
we had found the Commegys, and where we now found his son, of whom I
have before spoken, who soon had his boat ready, when thanking Mr.
Hosier, and taking our leave of him, we crossed over. Young Commegys
showed us the road, which we followed to a creek, where we found a
canoe, but no person with it. We took ourselves over in it, and came
to the house where we left the sick woman before spoken of. There were
now some men at home whom we requested to show us the road, and the
same person who brought us here over the same road, accompanied us a
part of the way, and gave us directions how to proceed. We struck the
creek directly opposite Mr. Miller's plantation, as it began to get
dark, and on calling out were taken over. We inquired of Mr. Miller
whether he intended to cross the bay in his boat and when, and
whether he would take us with him. He said yes, but he did not know
whether he would leave the next day or not. He would start as soon as
the weather would permit, as he had some casks of tobacco to carry
over, with which we might help him; but he did not know how we would
manage on the other side, as he had to go further up the river from
there, and he saw no chance for us to go down the bay or to cross back
again. We finally concluded we would go with him, and remain on board
the ships until he came back to take us with him, he promising not to
leave there without coming for us. We also found here the person who
spoke high Dutch, and of whom we have before said a word. We were able
to converse with him, but my companion could do so the best.[246] He
resided on this plantation, and was a kind of proctor or advocate in
the courts. We passed the evening with him. We were well entertained
here, and had a good bed to sleep on, which was very agreeable.

[Footnote 245: Henry Hosier was a member of the assembly from Kent
County in 1679.]

[Footnote 246: Sluyter, though Dutch, came from the German town of

_9th, Saturday._ We expected the trip would be made this morning, but
no mention was made of it, and we asked him at last whether it would
not be proceeded with. He said the weather was not fit, and that as
soon as it was suitable we would start. But about noon the wind
blowing very fresh from the west, which was straight ahead, we gave up
all hope of going to-day. Seeing that the same difficulty might exist
on Monday and the following days, as he said he would not go over on
Sunday, we determined to proceed, after we had dined, with our journey
back to Newcastle, which we did, excusing ourselves on the ground that
we could not wait so long, and that time pressed us. So we took our
leave and went to Richard Adams's as we had promised his wife when we
went on, to stop there on our return; but missing the way, or not
knowing it, we came to a plantation and house about three o'clock,
where there was neither man nor beast, and no one from whom we could
inquire the road. We chose the one we thought best, and walked on till
evening. We came to a plantation on the point of the creek where
Richard Adams lived on the opposite side, being now on the Great Bay
about four miles below where we had to be. We were strangers here, and
had no address to these people, who, nevertheless, showed us every
kindness and treated us well. They told us we had lost the way at the
empty house, by taking the road to the left instead of the right.

_10th, Sunday._ The son, who went out to shoot at daylight, put us on
the road which would lead us to the creek directly opposite Richard
Adams's house, taking us back to the empty plantation which we now
left on the right hand. We arrived at the place about eight o'clock,
and were taken over the creek by Richard Adams himself. He and his
wife were glad to see us, and bade us welcome. As it was Sunday, and
we had promised to write a letter to Holland for his wife, we remained
there this day, writing the letter after dinner, and having time also
to look around a little. These people were so delighted at the service
we were to do them in Holland, of posting a letter to Steenwyk,[247]
and sending an answer back to them, that they did not know what to do
for us. He gave us some French brandy to drink, which he had purchased
of the captains of the ships who had brought it from England; but as
it was an article prohibited on pain of forfeiture, it was not to be
bought here, and scarcely anything else, for he had made a useless
journey below, not being able to obtain shoes and stockings for his
little children who were bare-legged.

[Footnote 247: Steenwijk is in Overyssel.]

I have nowhere seen so many ducks together as were in the creek in
front of this house. The water was so black with them that it seemed
when you looked from the land below upon the water, as if it were a
mass of filth or turf, and when they flew up there was a rushing and
vibration of the air like a great storm coming through the trees, and
even like the rumbling of distant thunder, while the sky over the
whole creek was filled with them like a cloud, or as the starlings fly
at harvest time in Fatherland. There was a boy about twelve years old
who took aim at them from the shore, not being able to get within good
shooting distance of them, but nevertheless shot loosely before they
flew away, and hit only three or four, complained of his shot, as they
are accustomed to shoot from six to twelve and even eighteen and more
at one shot. After supper we ate some Maryland or Virginia oysters
which he had brought up with him. We found them good, but the Gouanes
oysters at New York are better.

_11th, Monday._ We left there after breakfast, the man conducting us
to the path which led to the plantation of Mr. Stabley, whose address
we had from Mr. Moll, but he was sick. We were here a little while,
but nothing was offered us to eat, and we only asked to drink. We
wished to be put across the Sassafras River here, but could not
accomplish it, although we were upon the bank of the river. We were
directed to the ferry at the court house, which was about two miles
west, but difficult to find through the woods. A person gave us a
letter to take to the Manathans, who put us in the path leading to the
ferry, where we arrived about two o'clock, and called out to them to
come and take us over. Although the weather was perfectly still and
they could easily hear us, we were not taken over, though we continued
calling out to them until sundown. As no one came for us, we intended
to go back to the plantation of Mr. Stabley, or one of those lying
before us, and to proceed there along the strand, but a creek
prevented us, and we had to search for the road by which we came. We
missed this road, although we were upon it, and could not find that or
any other plantation, and meanwhile it became dark. Although the moon
shone we could not go straight, for it shone above, and did not give
us light enough to see through the trees any houses or plantations at
a distance, several of which we passed as the result proved. We were
utterly perplexed and astray. We followed the roads as we found them,
now easterly and then westerly, now a little more on one side, and
then a little more on the other, until we were completely tired out,
and wished ourselves back again upon the strand. We had to keep on,
however, or remain in the woods, and as the latter did not suit us, we
chose the former, fatigued as we were, and uncertain as was the issue.
I plucked up courage and went singing along, which resounded through
the woods, although I was short of breath through weariness. My
comrade having taken his compass out of his sack in order to see how
we were going, had put it back again, and we were walking on, when he
discovered he had by that means lost his sword; though we had gone
some distance, we returned again to look for it, and I found it at
last. We continued on westerly again, but as we came to no end, we
determined to go across, through the thickets and bushes, due north,
in order that if we could not discover any plantation, we might at
least reach the strand. It was now about nine o'clock in the evening.
After having proceeded about an hour in that direction, we heard
directly in front of us a dog barking, which gladdened us. It was a
remarkable circumstance, as dogs are used to keep men away from
dwellings, but served to bring us to them, and was remarkable also for
the providence of the Lord, who caused this dog to bark, who, the
nearer we approached, heard more noise made by us among the leaves and
bushes, and barked the more, calling to us as it were, to come
straight up to him, which we endeavored to do. We soon came, however,
to a very deep hollow, where we could see over the tops of the trees
in it, and on the other side what seemed to be a shed of a plantation
in which the dog was barking. This encouraged us, but we had yet to go
through the hollow, where we could see no bottom, and the sides were
steep. We scrambled down I know not how, not seeing whether there was
water or a morass there; but on reaching the bottom, we found it was a
morass grown up with bushes. My comrade, who followed me, called out
to know whether we could not pass round it, but we had to go through
it. We came at length to a small brook, not broad, which we crossed
and clambered up the side again, when we came to the shed where the
dog continued barking, and thus led us to the house. His master was in
bed, and did not know what noise it was he heard. On our knocking, he
was surprised to hear such strange people at the door, not knowing
whether we were few or many, or whether he dared invite us in or not,
but he did. We had then little trouble. When we entered the house he
was astonished to see us, inquiring what people we were, where we came
from, where we were going, but especially how we reached there. No
one, he said, could get there easily in the day time, unless he were
shown or knew the way well, because they were very much hidden, and he
would come to have the other plantations sooner than this one. We told
him our adventures, at which he was as much astonished as we were
rejoiced. We had reason to behold the Lord in all this, and to glorify
Him as we did silently in our hearts. The wife arose and offered us a
little to eat of what she had, and afterwards gave me some deer skins,
but they were as dry and hard as a plank. I lay down upon them, and
crept under them, but was little covered and still less warmed by
them. My companion went to lie with a servant in his bunk, but he did
not remain there long before a heavy rain came--before which the Lord
had caused us to enter the house against all appearances--and
compelled him to evacuate his quarters very quickly. The water entered
in such great quantities that they would otherwise have been wet
through, though already it did not make much difference with my
comrade. We passed the night, however, as well as we could, sitting,
standing, or lying down, but cold enough.

_12th, Tuesday._ This plantation was about four miles below the court
house or ferry, westerly towards the bay, and we did not know if we
went to the ferry that we would not be compelled again to remain there
calling out, uncertain when we would be carried over. We therefore
promised this servant if he would put us across we would give him the
money, which we would otherwise have to pay at the ferry. The master
made some objections on account of the servant's work and the distance
from the river, and also because they had no canoe. The servant
satisfied him on these points, and he consented. We breakfasted on
what we could get, not knowing how or where we would obtain anything
again. We three, accordingly, went about two miles to the strand,
where we found a canoe, but it was almost entirely full of water, and
what was the worst of it, we had nothing with which to bale it out.
However, by one means and another we emptied it and launched the
canoe. We stepped in and paddled over the river to the plantation of a
Mr. Frisby. I must not forget to mention the great number of wild
geese we saw here on the river. They rose not in flocks of ten or
twelve, or twenty or thirty, but continuously, wherever we pushed our
way; and as they made room for us, there was such an incessant
clattering made with their wings upon the water where they rose, and
such a noise of those flying higher up, that it was as if we were all
the time surrounded by a whirlwind or a storm. This proceeded not only
from geese, but from ducks and other water fowl; and it is not
peculiar to this place alone, but it occurred on all the creeks and
rivers we crossed, though they were most numerous in the morning and
evening when they are most easily shot.

Having crossed this river, which is of great width, we came to the
plantation of Mr. Frisby, which stands upon an eminence and affords a
very pleasant prospect, presenting a view of the Great Bay as well as
the Sassafras River. When we first came on, we stopped here, but the
master was not at home; and as we had a letter of recommendation and
credit to him, he found it at his house when he returned. When we
arrived there now, we intended merely to ask his negroes for a drink,
but he being apprised of our arrival, made us go into the house, and
entertained us well. After we had partaken of a good meal, he had
horses made ready for us immediately to ride to Bohemia River, which
hardly deserves the name of a river in respect to other creeks. We
mounted on horseback, then, about ten o'clock, he and one of his
friends leading a piece of the way. Upon separating, he left us a boy
to show us the path and bring back the horses. This boy undertaking
more than he knew, assured us he was well acquainted with the road;
but after a while, observing the course we rode, and the distance we
had gone, and that we had ridden as long as we ought to have done, if
we had been going right, we doubted no longer we had missed the way,
as truly appeared in the end; for about three o'clock in the afternoon
we came upon a broad cart road, when we discovered we had kept too far
to the right and had gone entirely around Bohemia River. We supposed
we were now acquainted with the road, and were upon the one which ran
from Casparus Hermans's to his father's, not knowing there were other
cart roads. We rode along this fine road for about an hour or an hour
and a half, in order to reach Augustine Hermans, when we heard some
persons calling out to us from the woods, "Hold, where are you riding
to?" Certain, as we supposed we were, in our course, we answered, "to
Augustine Hermans." "You should not go that road then," they rejoined,
"for you are out of the way." We therefore rode into the bushes in
order to go to them, and learned hat we were not upon the road we
thought we were, but on the road from Apoquemene, that is, a cart road
made from Apoquemene, a small village situated upon a creek, to
Bohemia Creek or river. Upon this road the goods which go from the
South River to Maryland by land, are carried, and also those which
pass inland from Maryland to the South River, because these two
creeks, namely, the Apoquemene and the Bohemia, one running up from
Maryland, and the other from the Delaware River, as the English call
the South River, come to an end close to each other, and perhaps shoot
by each other, although they are not navigable so far; but are
navigable for eight miles, that is two Dutch miles of fifteen to a
degree. When the Dutch governed the country the distance was less,
namely, six miles. The digging a canal through was then talked of, the
land being so low; which would have afforded great convenience for
trade on the South River, seeing that they would have come from
Maryland to buy all they had need of, and would have been able to
transport their tobacco more easily to that river, than to the great
bay of Virginia, as they now have to do, for a large part of Maryland.
Besides, the cheap market of the Hollanders in the South [River] would
have drawn more trade; and if the people of Maryland had goods to ship
on their own account, they could do it sooner and more readily, as
well as more conveniently in the South [River] than in the Great Bay,
and therefore, would have chosen this route, the more so because as
many of their goods, perhaps, would for various reasons be shipped to
Holland, as to England. But as this is a subject of greater importance
than it seems upon the first view, it is well to consider whether it
should not be brought to the attention of higher authorities than
particular governors. What is now done by land in carts, might then be
done by water, for a distance of more than six hundred miles.[248]

[Footnote 248: This suggestion was finally realized by the cutting of
the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, completed in 1829.]

We had, then, come on this road with our horses to the carrying-place
into Maryland and more than three miles from where we supposed we
were. To go there we would have had to pass through woods and over
small morassy creeks. The sun was nearly down, and we therefore
advised with the persons before mentioned. One of them was a Quaker
who was building a small house for a tavern, or rather an ale-house,
for the purpose of entertaining travellers, and the other was the
carpenter who was assisting him on the house, and could speak good
Dutch, having resided a long time at the Manathans. We were most
concerned for the young man and the horses. The Quaker, who had put up
a temporary shed, made of the bark of trees, after the manner of the
Indians, with both ends open, and little larger than a dog's kennel,
and where at the best we three might possibly have been able to lie,
especially when a fire was made, which would have to be done, offered
us his lodgings if we wished, and as good accommodations as he had,
which were not much. He had nothing to eat but maize bread which was
poor enough, and some small wild beans boiled in water; and little to
lie on, or to cover one, except the bare ground and leaves. We would
not have rejected this fare if the Lord had made it necessary, and we
were afterwards in circumstances where we did not have as good as
this; but now we could do better. The other person, an Irishman, who
lived about three miles from there, did not urge us much, because,
perhaps, he did not wish us to see how easily he would make two
English shillings for which we had agreed with him to take the horses
and boy to the creek, and put them on the path to reach home. We were
to walk to his house, conducted by the Quaker, while he rode round the
creek with the horses. We had to cross it in a canoe, which, when we
were in it, was not the breadth of two fingers above water, and
threatened every moment to upset. We succeeded, however, in crossing
over, and had then to make our way through bushes by an untrodden
path, going from one newly marked tree to another. These marks are
merely a piece cut out of the bark with an axe, about the height of a
man's eyes from the ground; and by means of them the commonest roads
are designated through all New Netherland and Maryland; but in
consequence of the great number of roads so marked, and their running
into and across each other, they are of little assistance, and indeed
often mislead. Pursuing our way we arrived at the house of Maurits, as
the carpenter was called, where he had already arrived with the
horses, and had earned two shillings sooner than we had walked three
miles, and more than he had made by his whole day's work. We went into
the house and found his Irish wife, engaged in cooking, whereby we
made reprisals in another way. After we had thus taken a good supper,
we were directed to a place to sleep which suited us entirely and
where we rested well.

_13th, Wednesday._ As soon as it was day we ate our breakfast and
left, after giving this man his two shillings, who also immediately
rode off with the young man and the horses, to put him on the path to
Sassafras River, while the Quaker who had remained there during the
night, was to take us to the broad cart-road where he had found us.
But neither he nor we could follow the new marked trees so well in the
morning light, and we soon missed the way, and no wonder, for we now
had the marks behind the trees. We went again through thickets and
bushes of the woods, to and fro, for full three hours without any
prospect of getting out, and that within a distance of not over
three-quarters of an hour. We struck a foot-path at last which led us
to Bohemia Creek, directly opposite the house which was being built.
We descended in order to wade over it, the bottom appearing to be hard
on this side, and promising a good passage; but when we were in the
middle of it, we sank up to our knees in the mud. When we were over we
went into the Quaker's hut, who warmed up some beans, and set them
before us with maize bread. Not to leave him like an empty calabash,
we gave him an English shilling for leading us astray, and other
things. We had now a fine broad cart-road to follow, eight miles long,
which would lead us to Apoquemene, as it did, and where we arrived
about noon. They are almost all Dutch who live here, and we were again
among the right kind of people, with whom we could at least obtain
what was right. We stepped into a house and were welcome. Some food
was immediately set before us to eat, and among other things butter,
cheese, and rye bread which was fresh and so delicious that my
companion said it was to him like sweet cake. We left there after we
had taken dinner, a boy leading us upon the way as far as a long
wooden bridge or dam over a meadow and creek, and proceeded on to
Kasparus Hermans's, the brother of Ephraim, about six miles from
there, where we arrived at three o'clock, but again found him absent
from home. As the court was sitting at Newcastle he had to be there as
one of its members. We were, however, welcomed by his wife. Her name
was Susanneken, and his, Kasparus or Jasper; which led my thoughts
further, communing with God in His love, who makes the past as well as
the future to be present, and who consumes the present in Him with the
future and the past, as it proceeds from Him with all our
sensations.[249] We passed the night there, and had to sleep with a
Quaker who was going next day to Maryland.

[Footnote 249: The meaning of this passage is made clear only by the
discovery of the facts mentioned in Note B prefixed to this volume.
The names Jasper and Susanneken (a diminutive of Susanna) appeal to
Danckaerts and excite these reflections because they were the names of
himself and his wife, who had died in 1676.]

_14th, Thursday._ While we were waiting for Casparus, we embraced the
opportunity to examine his place again, which pleased us in all
respects, and was objectionable only because it lay on the road, and
was therefore resorted to by every one, and especially by these
miserable Quakers. He returned home in the afternoon, and was glad to
find us. We spoke to him in relation to a certain tract of land which
we wished to look at, and Ephraim and his father had told us of; and
when we heard what it was, it was a part of Bohemia, which we had
already tolerably well looked at on our way to Maryland, being that
which lies on the creeks and river, and which, on our return and twice
losing the way, lay higher up in the woods; but we reserved the
privilege in case we should winter on the South River, of riding over
it thoroughly on horseback, with him and his brother Ephraim.[250] For
the present, time compelled us to see if we could not yet reach the
Manathans for the winter; and we were the more induced to the attempt
because a servant of Ephraim had arrived this evening by water in a
boat, and would be ready to return with it to Newcastle early in the
morning. We therefore excused ourselves and let the subject rest. We
heard here that his father Augustine Hermans was very sick and at the
point of death, and that Miss Margaret had gone there to attend upon
him in that condition.

[Footnote 250: It was upon the piece of land here alluded to that the
colony of the Labadists was afterward planted. See p. 112, note 2,

_15th, Friday._ It was flood tide early this morning, and our servant
slept a little too long, for it was not far from high water when he
appeared. We hurried, however, into the boat and pushed on as hard as
we could, but the flood stopped running, when we were about half way.
We continued on rowing, and as the day advanced we caught a favorable
wind from the west and spread the sail. The wind gradually increasing
brought us to Newcastle about eight o'clock among our kind friends
again, where we were welcome anew. We were hardly ashore before the
wind, changing from the west to the northwest, brought with it such a
storm and rain that, if we had still been on the water, we should
have been in great peril, and if we had been at Kasparus's we should
not have been able to proceed in such weather. We here again so
clearly perceived the providence of the Lord over us, that our hearts
were constrained to ascend to Him, and praise him for what He is and
does, especially towards His children. As we have confined ourselves
quite strictly to the account of our journey, we deem it serviceable
to make some observations upon some general matters concerning
Maryland, in addition to what we have before remarked.

As regards its first discoverer and possessor, that was one Lord
Balthemore, an English nobleman, in the time of Queen Maria. Having
come from Newfoundland along the coast of North America, he arrived in
the great bay of Virginia, up which he sailed to its uppermost parts,
and found this fine country which he named Maryland after his queen.
Returning to England he obtained a charter of the northerly parts of
America, inexclusively, although the Hollanders had discovered and
began to settle New Netherland. With this he came back to America and
took possession of his Maryland, where at present his son, as
governor, resides.[251]

[Footnote 251: The first Lord Baltimore, George Calvert, who secured
the patent of 1632, never voyaged to Maryland as here described. Also,
the grant was definite in bounds, from the Potomac to 40° N. lat.
Cecilius Calvert, the second lord, died in 1675. Charles Calvert, the
third, was at this time both proprietary and governor, having come out
to his province this winter, arriving in February, 1680. The writer
erroneously attributes the granting of Maryland to Queen Mary Tudor,
predecessor of Queen Elizabeth, instead of to Queen Henrietta Maria.]

Thereafter, at the time of Queen Elizabeth, the settlers preferred the
lowest parts of this great bay and the largest rivers which empty into
it, either on account of proximity to the sea, and the convenience of
the streams, or because the uppermost country smacked somewhat of the
one from whom it derived its name and of its government. They have
named this lower country Virginia, out of regard to Queen Elizabeth.
It has been the most populous, though not the best land, and a
government was established in Virginia distinct from that of Maryland.
A governor arrived while we were there, to fill the place made vacant
by the death of his predecessor.[252]

[Footnote 252: Lord Culpeper came out to Virginia as governor this
year, arriving in May, 1680. His predecessor as _governor_, Sir
William Berkeley, had been recalled and had died, but Colonel Jeffreys
and Sir Henry Chicheley had meantime been lieutenant-governors

As to the present government of Maryland, it remains firm upon the old
footing, and is confined within the limits before mentioned. All of
Maryland that we have seen, is high land, with few or no meadows, but
possessing such a rich and fertile soil, as persons living there
assured me that they had raised tobacco off the same piece of land for
thirty consecutive years. The inhabitants, who are generally English,
are mostly engaged in this production. It is their chief staple, and
the money with which they must purchase every thing they require,
which is brought to them from other English possessions in Europe,
Africa and America. There is, nevertheless, sometimes a great want of
these necessaries, owing to the tobacco market being low, or the
shipments being prevented by some change of affairs in some quarter,
particularly in Europe, or indeed to both causes, as was the case at
this time, whereby there sometimes arises a great scarcity of such
articles as are most necessary, as we saw when there. So large a
quantity of tobacco is raised in Maryland and Virginia, that it is one
of the greatest sources of revenue to the crown by reason of the taxes
which it yields. Servants and negroes are chiefly employed in the
culture of tobacco, who are brought from other places to be sold to
the highest bidders, the servants for a term of years only, but the
negroes forever, and may be sold by their masters to other planters as
many times as their masters choose, that is, the servants until their
term is fulfilled, and the negroes for life. These men, one with
another, each make, after they are able to work, from 2,500 pounds to
3,000 pounds and even 3,500 pounds of tobacco a year, and some of the
masters and their wives who pass their lives here in wretchedness, do
the same. The servants and negroes after they have worn themselves
down the whole day, and come home to rest, have yet to grind and pound
the grain, which is generally maize, for their masters and all their
families as well as themselves, and all the negroes, to eat. Tobacco
is the only production in which the planters employ themselves, as if
there were nothing else in the world to plant but that, and while the
land is capable of yielding all the productions that can be raised
anywhere, so far as the climate of the place allows. As to articles
of food, the only bread they have is that made of Turkish wheat or
maize, and that is miserable. They plant this grain for that purpose
everywhere. It yields well, not a hundred, but five or six hundred for
one; but it takes up much space, as it is planted far apart like vines
in France. This grain, when it is to be used for men or for similar
purposes, has to be first soaked, before it is ground or pounded,
because the grains being large and very hard, cannot be broken under
the small stones of their light hand-mills; and then it is left so
coarse it must be sifted. They take the finest for bread, and the
other for different kinds of groats, which, when it is cooked, is
called _sapaen_ or _homina_. The meal intended for bread is kneaded
moist without leaven or yeast, salt or grease and generally comes out
of the oven so that it will hardly hold together, and so blue and
moist that it is as heavy as dough; yet the best of it when cut and
roasted, tastes almost like warm white bread, at least it then seemed
to us so. This corn is also the only provender for all their animals,
be it horses, oxen, cows, hogs, or fowls, which generally run in the
woods to get their food, but are fed a little of this, mornings and
evenings during the winter when there is little to be had in the
woods; though they are not fed too much, for the wretchedness, if not
cruelty, of such living, affects both man and beast. This is said not
without reason, for a master having a sick servant, and there are many
so, and observing from his declining condition, he would finally die,
and that there was no probability of his enjoying any more service
from him, made him, sick and languishing as he was, dig his own grave,
in which he was to be laid a few days afterwards, in order not to busy
any of the others with it, they having their hands full in attending
to the tobacco.[253]

[Footnote 253: Despite these criticisms as to slavery, it appears, if
we can accept the hostile testimony of Dittelbach, _Verval en Val der
Labadisten_ (Amsterdam, 1692), that Sluyter, when in control of the
Labadist plantation at Bohemia Manor, employed slave labor without
hesitation and with some harshness.]

A few vegetables are planted, but they are of the coarsest kinds and
are cultivated in the coarsest manner, without knowledge or care, and
they are, therefore, not properly raised, and do not amount to much as
regards the production, and still less as to their use. Some have
begun to plant orchards, which all bear very well, but are not
properly cultivated. The fruit is for the greater part pressed, and
makes good cider, of which the largest portion becomes soured and
spoiled through their ignorance or negligence, either from not putting
it into good casks, or from not taking proper care of the liquor
afterwards. Sheep they have none, although they have what is requisite
for them if they chose. It is matter of conjecture whether you will
find any milk or butter even in summer; we have not found any there at
this season of the year. They bestow all their time and care in
producing tobacco; each cask or hogshead, as they call it, of which
pays two English shillings on exportation, and on its arrival in
England, two pence a pound, besides the fees for weighing and other
expenses here, and freight and other charges beyond sea. When,
therefore, tobacco only brings four or five pence, there is little or
nothing left for the owner.

The lives of the planters in Maryland and Virginia are very godless
and profane. They listen neither to God nor his commandments, and have
neither church nor cloister. Sometimes there is some one who is called
a minister, who does not as elsewhere, serve in one place, for in all
Virginia and Maryland there is not a city or a village[254]--but
travels for profit, and for that purpose visits the plantations
through the country, and there addresses the people; but I know of no
public assemblages being held in these places; you hear often that
these ministers are worse than anybody else, yea, are an abomination.

[Footnote 254: No cities, of course, but some villages.]

When the ships arrive with goods, and especially with liquors, such as
wine and brandy, they attract everybody, that is, masters, to them,
who then indulge so abominably together, that they keep nothing for
the rest of the year, yea, do not go away as long as there is any
left, or bring anything home with them which might be useful to them
in their subsequent necessities. It must therefore go hard with the
household, and it is a wonder if there be a single drop left for the
future. They squander so much in this way, that they keep no tobacco
to buy a shoe or a stocking for their children, which sometimes causes
great misery. While they take so little care for provisions, and are
otherwise so reckless, the Lord sometimes punishes them with insects,
flies, and worms, or with intemperate seasons, causing great famine,
as happened a few years ago in the time of the last Dutch war with the
English,[255] when the Lord sent so many weevils that all their grain
was eaten up as well as almost all the other productions of the field,
by reason of which such a great famine was caused that many persons
died of starvation, and a mother killed her own child and ate it, and
then went to her neighbors, calling upon them to come and see what she
had done, and showing them the remains of her child, whereupon she was
arrested and condemned to be hung. When she sat or stood on the
scaffold, she cried out to the people, in the presence of the
governor, that she was now going to God, where she would render an
account, and would declare before him that what she had done she did
in the mere delirium of hunger, for which the governor alone should
bear the guilt; inasmuch as this famine was caused by the weevils, a
visitation from God, because he, the governor, undertook in the
preceding summer an expedition against the Dutch residing on the South
River, who maintained themselves in such a good posture of defense,
that he could accomplish but little; when he went to the Hoere-kill on
the west side of that river, not far from the sea, where also he was
not able to do much; but as the people subsisted there only by
cultivating wheat, and had at this time a fine and abundant harvest in
the fields--and from such harvests the people of Maryland generally,
and under such circumstances as these particularly, were fed--he set
fire to it, and all their other fruits, whether of the trees or the
field; whereby he committed two great sins at the same time, namely,
against God and his goodness, and against his neighbors, the Dutch,
who lost it, and the English who needed it; and had caused more misery
to the English in his own country, than to the Dutch in the enemy's
country. This wretched woman protesting these words substantially
against the governor, before Heaven and in the hearing of every one,
was then swung up.

[Footnote 255: The war of 1672-1674. But the attack on the Hoere-kill
(Whorekill, now Lewes, Delaware) was not an act of war against the
Dutch, but an attack by Marylanders on inhabitants who were under the
jurisdiction of the Duke of York, in a territory disputed between him
and Lord Baltimore.]

In addition to what the tobacco itself pays on exportation, which
produces a very large sum, every hundred acres of land, whether
cultivated or not, has to pay one hundred pounds of tobacco a year,
and every person between sixteen and sixty years of age must pay three
shillings a year. All animals are free of taxation, and so are all
productions except tobacco.

It remains to be mentioned that those persons who profess the Roman
Catholic religion have great, indeed, all freedom in Maryland, because
the governor makes profession of that faith, and consequently there
are priests and other ecclesiastics who travel and disperse themselves
everywhere, and neglect nothing which serves for their profit and
purpose. The priests of Canada take care of this region, and hold
correspondence with those here, as is supposed, as well as with those
who reside among the Indians. It is said there is not an Indian fort
between Canada and Maryland, where there is not a Jesuit who teaches
and advises the Indians, who begin to listen to them too much; so much
so, that some people in Virginia and Maryland as well as in New
Netherland, have been apprehensive lest there might be an outbreak,
hearing what has happened in Europe,[256] as well as among their
neighbors at Boston; but they hope the result of the troubles there
will determine many things elsewhere. The Lord grant a happy issue
there and here, as well as in other parts of the world, for the help
of His own elect, and the glory of His name.

[Footnote 256: The reference is to the Popish Plot in England; in
respect to Boston, it is probably to King Philip's War, 1675-1676, and
the hostilities along the Maine coast in 1677, though there is no
reason to attribute these to French or Jesuit instigation. Yet
possibly the great fire of August 8-9, 1679, is meant; see p. 269,
note 1, _infra_.]

We will now leave Maryland, and come back to Sandhoeck [Newcastle], on
the South River, where, in the house of our friend Ephraim Hermans,
the Lord had brought us, and our friends received and lodged us with
affectionate hearts.

_16th, Saturday._ Mr. Moll, who is the president [of the court] and
one of the principal men here in the South, having finished his
business in the court which was now ended, had intended to ride this
morning to a plantation which he had recently purchased on Christina
Kill, and would have been pleased to have had us accompany him, and
look at the lands about there, which he said were very good; but as
the hard and rainy weather of yesterday had not yet cleared up, he
put off the journey until Monday, in hopes he would then have our
company, when he would provide a horse for each of us, and Ephraim
would also go with us. Meanwhile we went to see whether there would be
any means of returning to the Manathans notwithstanding the ice,
either by land or sea. If we should return by water, we should be able
to see the lower parts of this river, the Hoere-kill and others; but
no opportunity presented itself, because it was so late in the year,
there being no navigating in consequence of every one being afraid of
the ice.

_17th, Sunday._ We had an opportunity to-day to hear Domine
Tessemaker, which we did, but never heard worse preaching, and I,
therefore, had little desire to go again in the afternoon, though I
was misled by the ringing of the bell. He is a man who wishes to
effect some _établissement_ or reform here, but he will not accomplish
much in that respect, as he not only has no grace therefor, but there
seems to be something in his life which will hereafter manifest itself
more. For the present we can say with truth that he is a perfect
worldling.[257] It seems that in these spiritually, as well as
physically, waste places, there is nevertheless a craving of the
people to accept anything that bears even the name of food, in order
to content rather than satisfy themselves therewith. Nevertheless the
Lord will take pity upon these his lands, as we hope, for it appears
indeed that the seed of the elect is here, especially among those of
European descent.

[Footnote 257: Domine Petrus Tesschenmaker remained in charge of the
church in Newcastle till 1682. After brief sojourns in New York and on
Staten Island, he was called to the church in Schenectady. There he
served from 1685 to 1690, when he was killed in the Indian massacre of
that year.]

_18th, Monday._ We four, namely, Mr. Moll, Ephraim, my comrade and
myself, after we had breakfasted, started about nine o'clock, on
horseback, from Newcastle for Christina Kill. We observed the land
through which we rode was sometimes only common soil, until we reached
a plantation which Mr. Moll and Ephraim owned together, lying on a
branch of that creek, and which was a good piece of land. Ephraim
having finished the business for which he had come here, of having
planks sawed for boarding a new clap-board house he had built, left
us and rode back to Newcastle, and we continued on after we had looked
at a grist-mill which the Swedes had constructed upon one of the
branches of the creek, a considerable distance along another of them.
We discovered here and there pieces of good land, but they were not
large, and were along the creek. The greater portion of the country
was only common land. Evening coming on, we rode back to the
plantation of a Mr. Man, lying upon a neck of land called
Cheese-and-bread Island, which is a good piece of ground, and up to
which the creek is navigable for large boats or barks.[258] This man
is a great friend of Mr. Moll. We were, therefore, very welcome, and
slept there this night.

[Footnote 258: Bread and Cheese Island lay up Christina Creek, some
ten miles west of present Wilmington, Delaware, and at the junction of
Red Clay Creek and White Clay Creek. The planter was Abraham Mann, who
in 1683 was sheriff and member of assembly for Newcastle County.]

_19th, Tuesday._ After breakfast we rode out in company with Mr. Man,
to look at several pieces of land which they very highly recommended
to us, but it was because, as they said, they wished to have good
neighbors, though sometimes neighbors did not amount to much. It was
now in the afternoon, and we rode towards home, over a plain where the
deer ran out of the road in herds. Coming to the large creek, which is
properly called Christina Kill, we found Mr. Moll had not correctly
calculated the tide, for he supposed it would be low water or
thereabouts, whereas the water was so high that it was not advisable
to ride through it with horses, and we would have to wait until the
water had fallen sufficiently for that purpose. While we were waiting,
and it began to get towards evening, an Indian came on the opposite
side of the creek, who knew Mr. Moll, and lived near there at that
time, and had perhaps heard us speak. He said that we should have to
wait there too long; but if we would ride a little lower down, he had
a canoe in which he would carry us over, and we might swim the horses
across. We rode there at once, and found him and his canoe. We
unsaddled the horses, and he swam them over one by one, being in the
canoe and holding them by the bridle. When we were over, we quickly
saddled them and rode them as fast as they could run, so that they
might not be cold and benumbed. It was entirely dark, and we remarked
to each other the providence of the Lord in this Indian coming there;
for otherwise we should not have known how to find the way through the
woods in consequence of the great darkness. It was bad enough as it
was, on a path that both the horses and Mr. Moll were acquainted with,
for we could scarcely see each other sometimes. We reached Newcastle
happily about eight o'clock in the evening, much rejoiced, and
thanking Mr. Moll.

_20th, Wednesday._ While we were in Maryland, and were crossing over
the Sassafras River, we saw a small English ship lying there, which
they told us would leave about the English Christmas.[259] We now
learned from Mr. Moll, that he was going to write by her, and was
willing if we wrote, to allow our letters to go to London under cover
of his; and also that he should soon go to Maryland to attend the
court now about to be held there. We determined, therefore, not to
permit the opportunity to pass by of writing home.

[Footnote 259: Our travellers used the new style, current in Holland
(though not in Friesland), the English and their colonists the old.
Christmas of old style was January 4 of new.]

_21st, Thursday._ We finished our letters to-day. We perceived it
would be in vain to wait for a chance to go to the Manathans by sea,
and there would be no opportunity to go up the river. We, therefore,
finally concluded to hire a canoe and a person to take us up the
river; and accordingly agreed with one Jan Boeyer,[260] for fifty
guilders in _zeewan_, and a dollar for the canoe a day, to leave the
next day if it were possible. Whereupon, Ephraim and his wife, who had
done their best herein, as well as other friends, set about writing
letters for us to take to the Manathans. Meantime, Ephraim received
news that his father was near his end, and had to be handled by one or
two men to turn him in bed, and that he desired once more to speak to

[Footnote 260: Jan Boeyer was constable of Newcastle the next year.]

_22d, Friday._ It had frozen some this morning, and Jan Boeyer
manifested little disposition to go up the river, declaring that with
such a frost as this, the river above was all frozen up; and though
there was no probability of it, we had to wait. Ephraim and Mr. Moll
left together for Maryland to see Ephraim's father, who wanted to
speak to him, as we heard, in relation to the land or manor which he
possessed there; for while he had given portions to all his other
children, namely, one son and three daughters, he had made Ephraim,
his oldest son, heir of his rank and manor, according to the English
law, as _fils de commys_,[261] that is, Ephraim could enjoy the
property during his life, and hire or sell it for that period, but
upon his death, it must go to his oldest son, and so descend from heir
to heir. Mr. Moll was the witness of this, and had the papers in his
care. It seemed that the father wished to make some change because we
had been there, and he had offered us a part of the land.[262] We,
therefore, think we shall hear what he shall have done in the matter.

[Footnote 261: For _fideicommissum_.]

[Footnote 262: Augustine Herrman did not die till 1686. In 1684 he
executed his final deed of conveyance to Peter Sluyter _alias_
Vorsman, Jasper Danckaerts _alias_ Schilders, Petrus Bayard of New
York (nephew of Governor Stuyvesant and ancestor of all the Bayards of
Delaware), John Moll, and Arnoldus de La Grange, conveying the
"Labadie Tract" of some 3750 acres on the north side of Bohemia River.
Moll and de La Grange immediately released their interest in the land
to Danckaerts and Sluyter, Bayard did so in 1688, and Danckaerts in
1693, from Holland, conveyed to Sluyter all his rights. Augustine
Herrman at his death conveyed the rest of Bohemia Manor to his son
Ephraim as an entailed estate. But evidently he had by that time
repented of his dealings with the Labadists, for a codicil to his will
appoints trustees to carry it out because "my eldest Sonn Ephraim
Herman ... hath Engaged himself deeply unto the labady faction and
religion, seeking to perswade and Entice his Brother Casparus and
sisters to Incline thereunto alsoe, whereby itt is upon Good ground
suspected that they will prove no True Executors of This my Last Will
of Entailement ... but will Endeavour to disanull and make it voide,
that the said Estates may redound to the Labady Communality." MS., Md.
Hist. Soc.]

Although it had frozen hard, yet when the sun rose high about nine
o'clock, it was ordinarily pleasant and handy weather, but there was
no decision on the part of our skipper to leave. In the meantime we
had the house with Ephraim's wife alone, and, therefore, more freedom
and opportunity to speak to her of God, and godly things, which she
well received. We expect something good from her as well as from

_23d, Saturday._ The weather was milder, and there was some fog which
cleared away as the sun rose. We went to see Jan Boeyer again, but he
had no intention to make the journey. We heard it was not so much on
account of the ice, as of the small-pox, which prevailed very much up
the river, and which he had never had. There was no use of striving
with him, and we determined, therefore, to hire somebody else, if we
could find any person. Mr. Peter Aldrix made inquiry for us, but to no
purpose, and we had to wait and depend upon God's providence. We
heard, however, of some people who had arrived in a canoe from
Christina Kill, and that even in that creek there was no ice yet, or
up the river.

_24th, Sunday._ Domine Tessemaker being at Apoquemene, there was no
preaching to-day at Newcastle but some reading. We went, however, to
the church, in order not to give offense. Much of the reading we could
not bear, but we hope others were more edified than we expected to be.

It was very fine weather and it annoyed us that we had to wait so.
This evening there arrived a canoe with Swedes, who had come from half
way below the falls, and of whom we inquired whether there were any
ice up the river. They said there was not, and they were going back
the next day. We endeavored to make an agreement with them to carry
us, but they asked entirely too much, namely, an anker[263] of rum,
which would amount to about 120 guilders in _zeewan_: whereupon we
rebuked them for their exorbitancy. The Swedes and Finns,
particularly, have this fault, and generally towards strangers; but as
it seemed to me they had drunk a little too much, we let the matter
rest in the hope they would talk more reasonably to-morrow.

[Footnote 263: About ten gallons.]

_25th, Monday._ The weather being good, we spoke again to our Swedes,
but they continued obstinate; and also to Jan Boeyer, but nothing
could be done with him either. While we were standing on the shore
talking with them about leaving, I saw coming down the river a boat
which looked very much like that of the Quaker of Upland,[264] as
indeed it was. He landed at Newcastle and was going to Ephraim's
house, where he had some business to transact, intending to leave the
next day. We asked him if he was willing to take us with him, and he
said he would do so with pleasure. We were rejoiced, observing the
providence of the Lord who took such fatherly care of us. There stood
Jan Boeyer and the Swedes cheated by their own covetousness. Robert
Wade and his wife lodged at Ephraim's, which assured us our journey
would be commenced the next day.

[Footnote 264: Robert Wade. See p. 105.]

_26th, Tuesday._ All the letters having been collected together, which
we were to take with us and deliver, and the Quaker having finished
his business, we breakfasted together, and courteously took leave of
all our acquaintances; but especially with some love, of Madame
Ephraim, named Elizabeth van Rodenburgh. She had shown us much
kindness, and given us good hope that the Lord will not forget her

We will observe before leaving Sand-hoek, that it has always been the
principal place on the South River, as well in the time of the English
as of the Dutch. It is now called Newcastle by the English. It is
situated on the west side of the river upon a point which extends out
with a sandy beach, affording a good landing place, better than is to
be found elsewhere on that account. It lies a little above the bay
where the river bends and runs south from there, so that you can see
down the river southerly, the greater portion of it, which presents a
beautiful view in perspective, and enables you to see from a distance
the ships which come out of the great bay and sail up the river.
Formerly all ships were accustomed to anchor here, for the purpose of
paying duties or obtaining permits, and to unload when the goods were
carried away by water in boats or barks, or by land in carts. It was
much larger and more populous at that time, and had a small fort
called Nassau; but since the country has belonged to the English,
ships may no longer come here, or they must first declare and unload
their cargoes at New York, which has caused this little place to fall
off very much, and even retarded the settlement of plantations. What
remains of it consists of about fifty houses, almost all of wood. The
fort is demolished, but there is a good block-house, having some small
cannon, erected in the middle of the town, and sufficient to resist
the Indians or an incursion of Christians; but it could not hold out
long. This town is the capital of justice, where the high court of the
South River is held, having three other courts subordinate to it, from
which appeals lie to it, as they do from it to New York, and from New
York to England. These three minor courts are established, one at
Salem, a small village of Quakers newly commenced on the east side of
the river not far from Newcastle[265]; another is at Upland, on the
west side above Newcastle, a Swedish village, and the third is at
Burlington, a new Quaker village on the east side of the river above
Newcastle. Newcastle is about eighty miles from the falls, and the
same distance from the mouth of the river or the sea. The water in the
river at Newcastle at ordinary flood tide is fresh, but when it is
high spring tide, or the wind blows hard from the south or southeast,
it is brackish, and if the wind continues long or it is hard weather
it becomes a little saltish. With a new or full moon it makes high
water at Newcastle at five o'clock. The principal persons whom we have
seen are Mr. Moll and his wife, Ephraim Hermans and his wife, Pieter
Aldrix and his wife, and Domine Tessemaker.

[Footnote 265: Salem, New Jersey, had been founded by John Fenwick in

As regards Mr. Moll, he lived in his youth at Amsterdam, in order to
learn business. He afterwards went to Bristol, in England, where he
carried on a reasonably large business which he had begun to do at
Amsterdam. In the war between England and Holland, he lost so much
that he failed, or made an agreement with his creditors. He,
therefore, immigrated to this country, and after trading in Virginia
and Maryland some time, came to Newcastle to live, where he has two or
three plantations, upon which he raises tobacco, more for the purpose
of paying his creditors, as he himself informed me, than because he
seeks this manner of gain and life, intending, as soon as he can
release himself, to go and live upon the land, and support himself by
what God may be pleased to give him. Touching the hope of grace
discoverable in him it is very slight, although he has listened with
attention to all we have said to him, requesting us to continue, and
that he might be favored with a letter from us on the subject, or some
books such as we might deem necessary, and willing, with a full heart,
to do us every service in his power in these quarters or elsewhere, as
he had done many, and endeavored to do still more. The Lord will do
for him as it pleases him.

The wife of Mr. Moll is an English woman, a pious Independent. When he
married her, she lived in a large house where many persons dwelt
together, separate from all other assemblies and the attachments of
the world, seeking nothing except to serve God in peace and
uprightness, and having their own preacher and other ministers. But
with all this she remains a great _mundane_, as to which we have
spoken to her. They have only one son.

Ephraim Hermans is the oldest child of Augustine Hermans, there being
two brothers and three sisters, one of whom lives now at Amsterdam.
They are all of a Dutch mother, after whose death their father married
an English woman, who is the most artful and despicable creature that
can be found. He is a very godless person, and his wife, by her
wickedness, has compelled all these children to leave their father's
house and live elsewhere. Ephraim, the oldest, having gone into
business, settled at Newcastle, his oldest sister keeping house for
him. He had for a long time sought in marriage at New York, a daughter
of the late governor of the island of Carsou [Curaçao], in the
Caribbean Sea, belonging to the Dutch West India Company, whose name
was Johan van Rodenburgh.[266] She lived with her mother on the
Manhatan, who, after the death of her husband, Rodenburgh, married one
Joannes van Burgh, by whom she had several children. Her daughter,
Elizabeth van Rodenburgh, being of a quiet turn of mind, and quite
sickly, had great inclination to remain single. Ephraim, however,
finally succeeded in his suit, and married her at New York. He brought
her with him to Newcastle on the South River, and we accompanied them
on the journey. Ephraim had been a bad, artful fellow in his youth,
and lived in all godless ways, but the Lord seized his heart, whereby
he began to repent, and saw that he must live otherwise, the Lord
compelling him. He found, however, no ground or strength, but having a
good conception of spiritual matters or religion, as far as could be
the case in such a man, he saw nothing but untruth, falsehood, and
deception in all that was done in relation to God and godly things,
and great hypocrisy in the best persons with whom he was acquainted.
Convinced of this, and seeing no better result, he remained in
suspense, although he professed the doctrines of the Reformed, and was
a member of their church. Seeing our life, and hearing us speak, he
has begun to see the difference, and discover the truth received in
the heart. He has examined himself in several things, and corrected
them, and was disposed to do more, as we had persuaded him. May the
Lord bestow upon him His true grace, who puts it in our hearts to
beseech this for him with confidence. We commit all to Him.

[Footnote 266: _Lucas_ Rodenburgh was vice-director of Curaçao from
1644 to 1655.]

His wife, Elizabeth van Rodenburgh, has the quietest disposition we
have observed in America. She is politely educated. She has had
through her entire youth a sleeping sickness of which she seems now to
be free. She has withdrawn herself much from the idle company of
youth, seeking God in quiet and solitude. She professes the Reformed
religion, is a member of that church, and searches for the truth which
she has found nowhere except in the word and preaching, which she
therefore much attended upon and loved, but which never satisfied her,
as she felt a want and yearning after something more. She was so
pleased at our being near her, and lodged at her house, she could not
abstain from frequently declaring so, receiving all that we said to
her with gratitude, desiring always to be near us; and following the
example of her husband, she corrected many things, with the hope and
promise of persevering if the Lord would be pleased so to give her
grace. We were indeed comforted with these two persons, who have done
much for us out of sincere love. The Lord pities them, and will keep
His promise to this house.

Margaret Hermans possesses a good disposition, although a little wild,
according to the nature of the country. She complained that she was
like a wild and desolate vine, trained up in a wild and desolate
country; that she had always felt an inclination to know more of God
quietly, and to serve Him, hoping the Lord would be merciful to her.
She treated us with great affection, and received thankfully and
acceptably what we said to her. We did not see her on our return, as
she had gone to attend upon her father; and we therefore have not
conversed much with her. The Lord will do with her as it pleases Him.

As to Mr. Pieter Aldrix he is a man of Groningen. He came to this
country in the year '63 or '64, for the Lord Burgomasters of
Amsterdam, as chief of their cargoes and storehouse in respect of the
trade with the Indians, and thus was at the head of their office on
the South River. Whether he had been in this country before or not, I
do not know.[267] He did not occupy his place long, for the English
shortly afterwards took the country and deprived him of all he had;
yet he has remained here, gaining his livelihood by various means as
well as he can, and seems to have gradually succeeded. He had a ketch
made for the purpose of trading to the [West India] Islands, and
elsewhere. He has a large family of children, and others. He sought to
render us as much service as he could, but for the things of grace he
is not inclined. He is a mundane, but is not vicious. The Lord can use
him as it pleases Him.

[Footnote 267: Peter Alrichs came over in 1657.]

These are the persons at Newcastle with whom we have some
acquaintance, and such the hope they have given us. We have promised
them to continue it, and write to them, and send them such books as we
might deem necessary for them.

Returning now to our boat, it left about ten o'clock for a place a
little higher up the river where they had to take in some wheat, and
where we were to go on foot, with the Quaker's wife. We reached it
about noon, and found the boat laden, and lying high up on the land,
so that we had to wait until the tide was half flood. We saw there a
piece of meadow or marsh, which a Dutch woman had dyked in, and which
they assured us had yielded an hundred for one, of wheat,
notwithstanding the hogs had done it great damage. The boat getting
afloat, we left about three o'clock, and moved up with the tide. The
weather was pleasant and still, with a slight breeze sometimes from
the west, of which we availed ourselves; but it did not continue long,
and we had to rely upon our oars. We arrived at Upland about seven
o'clock in the evening, and it was there only half flood, so much
later does the tide make there than at Newcastle. The Quaker received
us kindly, gave us supper, and counselled with us as to how we should
proceed further. We were shown a better place to sleep than we had
when we were here before.

_27th, Wednesday._ It rained some during the night and it was very
misty early in the morning. Before the tide served to leave, we agreed
with this man who had brought us up, to send us in his boat to
Burlington, with two boys to manage it, paying him twenty guilders for
the boat, and three guilders a day to each of the boys for three days,
amounting in the whole to thirty-eight guilders; but one of the boys
wishing too much, he determined to take us up himself. A good wind
coming out of the south, we breakfasted and dined in one meal, and
left about ten o'clock, with a favorable wind and tide, though at
times the wind was quite sharp. We sailed by Tinakonk again, but did
not land there. It began at noon to rain very hard, and continued so
the whole day, and also blew quite hard. We ran aground on the lee
shore upon a very shallow and muddy place, from which we got off with
difficulty. On account of this and other accidents, if we had had the
boys it would have been bad for us. We arrived at Wykakoe,[268] a
Swedish village on the west side of the river, in the evening at dusk,
where we went, all wet, into the house of one Otto, who had three
children lying sick with the small-pox. We dried ourselves here
partly. He gave us supper and took us to sleep all together in a warm
stove room, which they use to dry their malt in and other articles. It
was very warm there, and our clothes in the morning were entirely dry.

[Footnote 268: Wicacoa was in the southeastern part of the present
area of Philadelphia, where Gloria Dei Church, still standing, was
erected by the Swedes in 1697.]

_28th, Thursday._ It was flood at daylight when we left, but had not
gone far before I discovered I had left one of my gloves behind,
whereupon we ran the boat ashore, and I went back and found it. My
comrade was more unfortunate, for after we had proceeded full two
hours, and when we were going to breakfast on what our female friend
had given us, he found he had left his knife and fork; but we had gone
too far to lose the time to go back for them. The weather was foggy,
but when the sun had risen a little, it cleared away and became
pleasant and calm. We therefore advanced rapidly, rowing with the
tide, and reached Takany of which we have before spoken, about ten
o'clock, and where we landed a person who had come up with us. We
continued on, and as the tide just commenced rising there we had a
constant flood tide with us to Burlington, where we arrived about two
o'clock. We were put ashore on an island of Peter Aldrix[269] who had
given us a letter of recommendation to a person living there, and
working for him. We paid Robert Wade who and his wife are the best
Quakers we have found. They have always treated us kindly. He went
immediately over to Burlington where he did not stop long, and took
the ebb tide and rowed with it down the river. It was not high tide
for an hour and a half after we arrived at the island, and there is,
therefore, a difference of eleven hours or more in the same tide from

[Footnote 269: A manuscript map of the upper Delaware, which
accompanies the journal, shows a plantation of Peter Alrichs on the
right bank, opposite Matinnaconk Island and Burlington, and near the
present Bristol, Pennsylvania.]

The man who lived on this island was named Beerent ----, and came from
Groningen. He was at a loss to know how to get us on further. Horses,
absolutely, he could not furnish us; and there was no Indian about to
act as a guide, as they had all gone out hunting in the woods, and
none of them had been at his house for three weeks. To accompany us
himself to Achter Kol or the Raritans, and return, could not be
accomplished in less than four days, and he would have to leave his
house meantime in charge of an Indian woman from Virginia, who had
left her husband, an Englishman, and with two children, one of which
had the small-pox, was living with him; and she could be of no use to
any one, whether Indians or other persons who might come there. We
were compelled again to wait upon the providence of the Lord.

About three o'clock in the afternoon a young Indian arrived with whom
we agreed to act as our guide, for a duffels coat which would cost
twenty-four guilders in _zeewant_, that is, about five guilders in the
money of Holland; but he had a fowling-piece with him which he desired
first to take and have repaired at Burlington, and would then come
back. He accordingly crossed over, but we waited for him in vain, as
he did not return. The greatest difficulty with him was, that we could
not speak the Indian language, and he could not speak a word of
anything else. He not coming, we asked Beerent if he would not
undertake the task, which, after some debate, he consented to do. He
arranged his affairs accordingly, and prepared himself by making a
pair of shoes or foot-soles of deer skin, which are very comfortable,
and protect the feet. That was done in half an hour. We were to give
him thirty guilders in _zeewant_, with which he was satisfied.

_29th, Friday._ We breakfasted, and left about ten o'clock in a canoe,
which set us on the west side of the river, along which a foot-path
runs a part of the way, in an east-northeast direction, and then
through the woods north-northeast. We followed this path until we came
to a plantation, newly begun by a Quaker, where we rested and
refreshed ourselves. We agreed with this man, who came in the house
while we were there, that he should put us over the river for three
guilders in _zeewant_. We crossed over about one o'clock, and pursued
a foot-path along the river, which led us to a cart-road, and
following that we came to the new grist-mill at the falls, which, in
consequence of the great flow of water, stood in danger of being
washed away.[270] Crossing here, we began our journey in the Lord's
name, for there are no houses from this point to Peskatteway, an
English village on the Raritans. We had now gone twelve or thirteen
miles from Peter Aldrix's island, and it was about two o'clock in the

[Footnote 270: See p. 96, note 1.]

We must here make some general observations in relation to the South
River. The Dutch, who first discovered and took possession of it, so
named it, undoubtedly because it empties into the sea in the most
southerly part of New Netherland, to wit, in latitude 39° north, being
one degree and twenty minutes, or more, further south than the mouth
of the North River. It runs up from the sea northwesterly, making a
fine, large bay, much better than that of the North River, or Godyn's
Bay.[271] It is not only of greater length, which is about forty
miles, with a breadth of six or seven miles; but it has a fine bottom
of sand, and gravel reefs all along the banks. The water is purer up
above. From the inside or middle of the bay, its course to the narrow
part, or river, is mostly south [north] or bent gradually from
northwest to north, with here and there a small bay, and it continues
running so, from twenty to twenty-four miles, or more, to Newcastle,
where it bends to the east to northeast, with several bays on both
sides, to Upland and Tinakonk, a distance of twenty-four miles. At
Tinakonk, it runs about east or east-northeast, but having passed that
island it bears off again, north to northeast; also, with several bays
to Wykakoe about twenty miles, and continuing so to Takany, sixteen
miles. From Takany to Burlington, it runs again more easterly and
east-northeast twenty miles, thence due east six miles, where there is
a round bay turning north to north-northwest to the falls four miles,
so that from the falls to the sea coast it is about eighty English
miles, or twenty Dutch miles, from Newcastle each way. It has numerous
fine navigable creeks on both sides of it, which are like small rivers
running far inland, but how far is not yet known; nor is it known how
far the South River extends above the falls, as they have not explored
above them. This river is generally very clear. I do not know that
there is anything above to be avoided, except occasionally a muddy
point on the margins. Heavy ships, drawing ten, twelve, and fourteen
feet water, go up the river as far as Burlington, and higher; but in
the great bend where it runs to the falls, it can be navigated close
to the falls by boats, drawing five and six feet and more. The land on
the east side is generally lower than on the west, and is not so good.
It continues very flat, deep into the country, as you go far down. On
the west side the land is tolerably high, immediately off from the
river, and is generally good all the way down. Both sides being low,
this river is better to navigate than the North River, for that has
very high banks, which being frightfully steep and rocky, it is
subject to great whirlwinds and squalls, which, coming suddenly over
the hills, fall upon the river, which is no small inconvenience. The
water which comes over the falls is pure and clear, and is quite blue,
but running lower down, it gradually becomes muddy, but is entirely
clear again at Takany, and reasonably so at Wikakoe; further on it
becomes thick, but it is always good. As to the salubrity of the
climate of which we did not say anything when we spoke of Maryland, it
is certain that Virginia being the lowest on the sea, is the most
unhealthy where they [die] by thousands sometimes of the epidemical
disease of the country. In Maryland, which lies higher up from the sea
than Virginia, it is more healthy, although it is subject to the
epidemic. Therefore, all those who come into the country, must undergo
this sickness without escape. Even the children who are born there are
not excepted, as those who live there and have experienced it told us
when we were there. And although their manner of life is the cause of
much irregularity in their health, there is nevertheless something in
the atmosphere which produces disease: but this will become gradually
better, as the country is measurably populated, and thereby becomes
more cleared, as experience shows is true of all the lands in America
which have been unhealthy. The uppermost parts of Maryland are more
healthy than those lowest down. The South River is more salubrious
than Maryland, as it lies higher. It partakes however somewhat of the
nature of Maryland, especially below, but with great difference, which
every year increases. The higher the more healthy; although at the
Hoerekil, which is near the sea, it is as healthy as anywhere, because
it is well populated. In the upper part of the river it is as healthy
as it can be anywhere, and for myself, I believe that New Netherland
has not a place in it which is not healthier than any part of old
Netherlands in the United Provinces, and is becoming every day more
salubrious, especially if they live here as they do in Holland. The
North River is entirely healthy, for it lies much higher up than the
South River, that is further to the north, and although it is nearer
the sea than where they live in Maryland and on the South River, it is
nevertheless more wholesome, which shows that it is not the air of the
sea which causes the insalubrity, but other reasons which I will not
consider at present.

[Footnote 271: New York Bay; so named from Samuel Godyn, one of the
earliest patentees of New Netherland.]

As the Hollanders were the first discoverers of this river, they were
also the first residents, settling themselves down in small numbers at
the Hoerekil and thereabouts, and at Santhoeck, though the most people
and the capital of the country were at the Manhatans, under the rule
and authority of the West India Company.[272] The Indians killed many
of them because they did not live well with them, especially with
their women, from which circumstance this kill derives its name.
Others fled to the Manhatans, but afterwards returned, and have since
continued in possession of the river, although in small numbers and
with little strength. Meanwhile some Swedish soldiers, who had been in
the service of the West India Company, went to Sweden, and there made
known the fact that the country was so large the Hollanders could not
possess it all, especially the river called the South River, lying
next to Virginia, their old friends, and that it was only necessary to
go there with a small number of people to take possession of it, as no
one in that country was powerful enough to prevent it. They
accordingly ordered a levy to be made of men, half of them under the
name of soldiers, and half of boors, and sent them under a certain
commander to settle on the west side of the river, well knowing where
the best and healthiest climate was, namely, up the river, and being
thus near their friends, the English. Whether these good friends, here
or in Europe, have not assisted them in this matter, is not known.
They thus established themselves there, the Hollanders either being
not strong enough or too negligent to prevent them, whilst the West
India Company began gradually to fail, and did not hinder them. The
Swedes therefore remained, having constructed small fortresses here
and there, where they had settled and had Swedish governors.

[Footnote 272: The settlement at the Whorekill was Swanendael, founded
by David de Vries and other Dutch patroons in 1631. See his Notes in
_Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and Delaware_, in
this series. The origin of New Sweden was quite different from what is
stated in the text. It sprang from commercial companies formed in
Sweden, allied with Dutch merchants.]

The Hollanders did not abandon this river, but they, as well as the
Swedes, sought to advance their settlements; but although the whole
country belonged to them, they were nevertheless unable to possess it,
the company either having too much to do elsewhere, or not ability
sufficient, or sending over too few people. They always however had
their forts, without hindrance or molestation from the Swedes, or
being brought under their dominion. This continued during the time the
burgomasters of the city of Amsterdam had this territory under their
protection, up to the year 1664, when Governor Stuyvesant went there
with a large force, planted himself before the fortress of Christina
on Christina Kill, cannonaded it and compelled them to surrender it
with all their government to him, in the name of the city of
Amsterdam.[273] In that year the whole country was reduced under the
dominion of the crown of England, which put an end to the rule of the
Hollanders, who had then recently conquered the Swedes.

[Footnote 273: The conquest of New Sweden by the Dutch under
Stuyvesant took place in 1655; narratives of it are in the volume just
named and in _Narratives of New Netherland_, in this series. The
surrender was of course not demanded in the name of the city of
Amsterdam but in that of the Dutch republic, the United Provinces. The
Dutch West India Company in 1656 sold a part of the territory to the
city of Amsterdam.]

The east side of the river, which is now entirely in the possession
of the Quakers, has never been claimed by any one, although here and
there lived a Swede, as also among the Swedes here and there dwelt a
Hollander. But when the whole country, in the year 1664, came to the
crown of England under the Duke of York,[274] the duke or the king
gave the land lying between the two rivers, namely, the North River
and the South River, the easterly part to my Lord Catrix [Carteret],
and the westerly part to my Lord Barklay [Berkeley], but without a
boundary line between them. This remained so till the year ---- a Mr.
Pennel,[275] a brewer of London, failed there. Berkeley, who was a
great friend of his, as were also many other courtiers, and frequented
his brewery daily, came to his brewery and told him that as he, the
brewer, was a broken man, he could advise him how to recover his
fortune; that if he would furnish him a sum of money, he would, by
authentic writings, make over to him a tract of land which the king
had given him. This suited the brewer very well, who succeeded in
obtaining the money from his friends, and this land was accordingly
transferred to him. But as the affairs of the brewer would not permit
him to act himself, he had a friend named Phenix [Fenwick], also a
Quaker, who was to transact the business in his own name, for him the
brewer, in consideration of which Fenwick was to enjoy a tenth of the
whole westerly part. Fenwick managed it in his name so well that he
would soon have stripped the other of all, but means were afterwards
employed to compel him to be satisfied with his tenth. Fenwick had
letters printed and circulated everywhere, in which he described this
portion of the country in glowing colors; that it was a veritable
Paradise, especially for those people who were of the same religious
sentiments as himself. Many persons of this belief thereupon bought
pieces of land, parcelled out only on the map, according to the
imperfect knowledge which they then possessed, first into tenths, of
which Fenwick had one, and then each tenth into hundredths, embracing
water, morasses, swamps and marshes, so that these poor people bought
they knew not what. Fenwick hereupon came over to this country, with a
portion of these people, in order to take possession of what they had
bought; but he, being in debt in England, was arrested on the eve of
departure, and compelled to leave the original letters of
authorization in the hands of his creditors, and could himself obtain
nothing but copies thereof. With these he arrived in the South River,
and demanded the country from the chief rulers there, who required the
production of his authority, which he refused a long time, but not
being able to obtain justice, he brought forward his copies to show
them, whereupon these principal men referred him to their sovereign
governor at New York, who has not yet been able either to reject or
admit the claim. They landed however after some tumult, but without
bloodshed, and have remained there, constantly bringing more people,
and the governor tolerating them. Every one of the purchasers who
arrives here is at a loss to know where he has bought, and so settles
down where he thinks best, leaving it to be determined hereafter; and
finding more land has been sold than can be delivered, looks out for
himself. Inasmuch as they are thrown under the government of New York,
they have two small courts to decide trifling cases, in order thereby
to save travel. Meanwhile the country was recovered by the Hollanders
in 1673, and then again, by treaty of peace, surrendered to the crown
of England, whereby the Dutch lost all their right to the westerly
part a second time, unless the provision in the treaty that all things
should remain as before the war, should restore them their pretended
right. But if this clause only relates to the two peacemaking parties,
it remains justly with the crown of England. Finally, there is the
utmost confusion without any good foundation for it.

[Footnote 274: Came to the crown of England and was conferred by King
Charles II. on his brother, James, duke of York, afterward James II.
The duke's grant of New Jersey to Berkeley and Carteret in 1664
conveyed it to them undivided. The partition was effected by the new
grants of 1674 and the Quintipartite Deed of 1676, creating East New
Jersey and West New Jersey.]

[Footnote 275: A strange corruption of the name of Edward Byllynge;
less altered is the name of the other proprietor of West Jersey,
mentioned below, John Fenwick, who founded Salem in 1675. West Jersey
in that year fell into the hands of Penn, Lawrie, and Lucas as
trustees. Their letter in _Narratives of Pennsylvania_, pp. 177-185,
explains the system of land sales, of which our censorious traveller
takes so dark a view.]

There are Quakers who are either are more wise, or through poverty act
so, who do not buy any land on the east side of the river, but buy on
the west side, where it is cheaper in consequence of the Indians being
there. The Quakers have endeavored to break up the Dutch and others
not of their religion, who have lived of old on the east side of the
river, but resist them, and are sustained by the authorities. How far
this may be carried, and what may be the result, time will show. The
Indians hate the Quakers very much on account of their deceit and
covetousness, and say they are not Englishmen, always distinguishing
them from all other Englishmen, as is also done by almost all other
persons. The Indians say "they are not Christians, they are like
ourselves." The deeds of all lands bought on the South River from the
government of New York contain a provision that they must be settled
upon within three years, or they will revert to the king. Every acre
of land, whether cultivated or not, pays a bushel, that is, one
schepel and a fifth of wheat. The meadows pay nothing. The swamps,
cattle and men, are free. The outgoing good [_blank_].

We will now go back, and resume our journey. When we passed by the
mill, a Quaker was there who gave us a letter, and told us it was
difficult travelling, on account of the height of the water in the
creeks; that about eight miles further on, some Indians had come to
live, a little off the path on the left hand. We thought we should
reach there by evening. We left the falls about two o'clock, following
the ordinary path, which is the same for men and horses, and is grown
up on both sides with bushes, which wore our breeches, stockings and
shoes, as much as all the woods in Maryland together. The road runs
from here east-northeast. When we came upon the land above, we found
an extraordinary quantity of water, not only upon the flats and in the
valleys, brooks, and morasses, but also upon the high, solid ground.
We supposed this was caused by shutting up the creek by the mill dam,
whereby the water did not have shoot sufficient to run down, but it
was not that alone. We pursued our way, however, courageously, but
discovered no Indians up to evening. We called aloud to ascertain
whether they were about there, as they would answer if they were; and
as our guide could speak the Indian language well, we thought it would
all come right. But it was to no purpose; we perceived no Indians. We
had gone about twelve miles from the falls, and it began to grow dark,
when we came to a hill descending to a creek or small river called
Millstone River, whence we saw fire at a distance, and supposed that
Indians or other people might be about there. We therefore called out
again several times, but received no answer. On arriving at the creek
we found it so full of water, and running so swiftly, there was no
prospect of crossing it that evening, the more so as it was almost
entirely dark. We looked about for some wood, though there was not
much at this place, and collected as much as we thought we should want
to burn for the whole night. We made a good fire, and after warming
and drying ourselves, ate our supper from what we had brought in our
travelling bag. At last we lay down around the fire and fell asleep,
having travelled twenty-five miles during the day; but our rest did
not continue long, as it began to rain hard before midnight, and we
soon awoke and arose to attend to our fire, in order that it might not
be extinguished. The rain continued so long and increased so that we
could not sit down, because the place was so full of water. We had to
take care and protect the fire from going out, which gave us enough to
do. It was quite calm, or blew very little, the wind coming from all
quarters; nevertheless, we could not dry ourselves, although we kept
turning continually round towards the fire. We were wet through, and
could do nothing better than to stand straight up, whereby from the
length of time and the weight of our clothes we became very weary
instead of having the repose we so much needed. Walk or sit, we could
not, because it was too dark, and the land too full of water for the
former, and for the other it was too wet. We were compelled to wait
with patience in this position until daylight, which seemed to tarry,
because we longed for it so much. It was one of the shortest days in
the year, with dark and rainy weather. Each one looked out for the day
as if we could thereby cause it to appear sooner. Finally, as our wood
was consumed, the day began.

_30th, Saturday._ As soon as we could see, we went to the creek, to
ascertain whether we could cross over, but it was as full and the
water ran as swiftly as the evening before, because it had rained
continually, and was still raining; although we had hoped that, if the
weather had remained dry, the water would have subsided. As it was,
there was no other course than to wade over, and although we were
stiff and cold, we had to take off our stockings, and put our bare
feet in the shoes to protect them from treading on anything sharp,
and our stockings were the dryest articles we had. We bound up our
breeches as high as we could. "Now," said I, "let each one of us take
a good stick in his hand in order to prop himself up against the
current, and prevent his being washed away." Our guide went ahead even
before I had found a stick; but when he reached the middle of the
creek, he cried out, "Help, help, if you do not help me, I shall be
carried away." I ran, took off my breeches, placed them on top of my
head, and struggling, stick in hand, with the stones washing from
under my feet and stick, went to him and took from him my travelling
sack with which he was bent down. I kept on and was nearly across when
my foot slipped on a smooth stone, and I fell forward into the water.
However, by the aid of the stick, and the short distance to go, I
succeeded in crossing, the sack being thoroughly wet. Our guide, who
had on leather breeches, which became full of the running water,
whereby he could not get along, now rolled them up, and by that means
the water ran out below and lightened him, and thus he got over. My
companion was yet on the other side, with his travelling bag and two
swords. He did the same as I had done, and placed his breeches on top
of his head, tied the rest on well, and followed us; but he was
scarcely in the middle of the creek when he cried out to us to come
and meet him, and relieve him of the sack if we wished him to come
over, for he could not go any further. Whereupon I went in the creek
again to him, and took from him the sack. Thus we all three waded
over. We dressed ourselves quickly, for it was very cold, putting on
our stiff legs the wet stockings, which chafed them, and over them the
water-soaked shoes and the breeches which were wet through with the
rain and very heavy; and then taking a mouth full of rum, we set out
again on the way, stiff as we were. We were now anxious in relation to
crossing this Millstone at half way, where it would be much broader
and fuller of water. We proceeded then badly conditioned, wet, cold,
and weary enough. We had thirty-six miles to travel to-day and more if
we missed the road. We kept up our spirits, however. We found the land
above so full of water, that we were most of the time over shoes in
it, and sometimes half leg deep. After we had gone four or five miles,
we saw the houses of the Indians on the right, and went to them
partly for the purpose of drying ourselves, for though the rain seemed
at times to abate it still continued, and partly to inquire the best
way to go, in order to cross the large creek. We entered their
dwelling where we dried ourselves and breakfasted a mouthful out of
travelling sacks. We presented the Indians some fish-hooks which
pleased them. As to crossing the large creek, they said it was not
advisable to wade over, as the water was as high as our shoulders or
higher, as one of them showed us, and the current was so swift as to
render it impassable. He said that not far from their house lived a
_sackemaker_ who had in the creek a canoe with which he had set a man
across the day before, who had a horse which he swam over; but the
_sackemaker_ was not pleased at his doing so without his permission.
We promised him a guilder to take us to the _sackemaker_. While we
were in this house a little naked child fell from its mother's lap,
and received a cut in its head, whereupon all who sat around that
fire, and belonged to that household, began to cry, husband and wife,
young and old, and scream more than the child, and as if they
themselves had broken their arms or legs. In another corner of this
house there sat around a fire, forming another household, a party
whose faces were entirely blackened, who observed a gloomy silence and
looked very singular. They were in mourning for a deceased friend. The
Indian, having made himself ready, took both our sacks together and
tied them on his back for the purpose of carrying them, which did not
suit us badly, as we were very tired. He did that without our asking
him, and conducted us in a direction more southeasterly to their king
or _sackemaker_, who lived two or three miles from there. On arriving
there, they immediately offered us some boiled beans in a calabash,
cooked without salt or grease, though they brought us our own kind of
spoons to take them out with. It was the queen who did this, who was
dressed more than the others. She gave us also a piece of their bread,
that is, pounded maize kneaded into a cake and baked under the ashes.
We ate some of it, more for the purpose of satisfying her people, than
our appetite. Meanwhile we agreed with the _sackemaker_ to set us
across the river for three guilders in _zeewan_. We presented
fish-hooks to several of them, but especially to the queen who had
entertained us. The _sackemaker_ being ready, took one of our sacks to
carry, and went on ahead of us; and there went this king, carrying our
pack, almost without any clothing on his body. He conducted us to the
creek which was two or three miles distant to the north and northeast
over a very difficult and rocky hill. On arriving at the creek we saw
there certainly would have been no way of going over, for the water
was very high, and ran like a sluice. We were then put across, I
myself helping the _sackemaker_ and our _sack-carrier_ in doing it, as
it was difficult to go over even in a canoe. He took us a piece of the
way, until we came to the right path, and gave us proper directions
how to proceed further. He was to come for our guide the next day and
carry him back.

We went on through water for the most part east-northeast, until about
three o'clock in the afternoon, when the rain began to hold up, and we
turned into a road on the right, which runs easterly to the Raritans
Kill.[276] We did this because it was nearer, as they said, and also
in order to go to a young Dutchman's and secure good lodgings, of
which we were truly in want. The other road led to Piskatteway to Mr.
Greenland's, where we stopped a night in going on; yet this road was
so long, and it was so difficult to travel continually through the
water, that we could hardly proceed any further, as my comrade was
entirely exhausted. We were, therefore, half afraid we should be
compelled to pass the night in the woods. We picked up courage,
however, as well as we could, and arrived at dusk at the house of
Cornelis van Langevelt,[277] stepson of Thomas the baker in New York.
He lived in that house alone with an Indian, who assisted him in
trading with the Indians, but he had some neighbors who were beginning
a new village on the land of this Thomas, the baker, directly opposite
Pescatteway, upon the point where the Millstone River unites itself
with the Raritans Kill, and flows down to Achter Kol. The begun
village had no name yet, but they intended to call it Nassau.[278]
This Dutchman was a good acquaintance of Beerent, our guide, and we
were, therefore, welcome. He had heard of our being at the South
River, and expected we would come over here, perhaps, he said, to be
neighbors. He recommended to us a piece of land here, but we had
neither time nor inclination to go and look at it.

[Footnote 276: They took the "lower road" or more easterly path to the

[Footnote 277: Cornelis van Langevelt was married within the ensuing
year to Dr. Greenland's daughter; he was probably son of Cornelis van
Langevelt of New Amsterdam. Under the name Cornelius Longfield he
appears as deputy from Piscataway to the general assembly of East
Jersey in 1696-1697. "Thomas the baker in New York" is Thomas

[Footnote 278: At or near the present site of New Brunswick.]


From a copy in the New York Public Library]

We had special reasons to thank the Lord, and let our hearts ascend to
Him on account of several things which we here take notice of to His
glory, and in which His providence and goodness have assisted us.
First, if we had taken the before described Indian with us, there is
no probability we should have come right, he being a mere boy, without
experience, and not well acquainted with the road, especially under
such difficult circumstances; and, worst of all, we were not able to
speak a word with him. Our guide said several times, and we thought so
too, that when he had seen these difficulties, he would have deserted
us in the woods and run away, as he could easily have done, and we
should have been left alone. In the next place, we did not find the
Indian dwelling on the other side of the first crossing, as we had
wished, and supposed we should do. And if we had, what advice would
there have been for our crossing the second place? We should then have
been between the two crossings without any help. And thirdly,
notwithstanding all our hardships, our hearts possessed such strength
and courage until we happily arrived. To Him be glory therefor

Millstone River is not, as is usually supposed, the Raritans
Kill,[279] for that runs near this house on the right hand, due west,
and a little more southerly beyond, and this one before the house,
runs on the left hand, west-northwest, and a little more northerly
beyond. It has its source above the falls of the South River, not far
from that river, and runs for the most part north, and coming from
thence, makes several great bends, and therefore, in going from
Piscatteway to the South River, you must cross it three times. As far
as known, it is about twelve or fourteen Dutch miles to this place on
the Raritan. The Millstone is not very wide, which causes the current
to run so much swifter when there is much upper water. It has several
falls, and is shallow in dry weather. It is therefore not navigable,
though the Indians sometimes come down in their little canoes, made of
the bark of trees.

[Footnote 279: It is an affluent of the Raritan, coming into it from
the south.]

_31st, Sunday._ As we proposed to rest ourselves, we kept ourselves
quiet to-day. We paid our guide, giving him two ducatoons,[280] that
is, thirty-two guilders in _zeewant_, because he had a little more
trouble than either he or we had expected, and presented him with one
hundred fish-hooks in addition. He was well satisfied and thanked us.
He left after breakfast to return home. Meanwhile we expected a boat
which they said was coming to load with wood, but it did not come.

[Footnote 280: Say, two dollars and a half.]

1680, JANUARY _1st, Monday._ The boat not arriving, and Christmas,
according to the old style, being near, at which time there is not
much boating, every one endeavoring to be at home, we were
apprehensive it would not come. We therefore made an agreement with
one of the neighbors, that he should take us in a canoe to the French
tavern, which we have mentioned before, at Elizabethtown point, Kill
achter Kol, for twelve guilders in _zeewant_. We accordingly left
about ten o'clock in the morning, through a beautiful creek, which is
more like a river, with fine large meadows or marshes on both sides of
it. We came to a bank, from the broken point of which a beautiful
white clay is taken, as fine as I have ever seen anywhere, or as
Cologne earth[281] can be. At the same place there are also red earth,
and earth entirely black, which would be suitable for various
purposes. At the point of the Raritans Kill, we arrived at a place
called Amboy, a very proper site for a city or place of business. From
there you can look over the great bay between the Nevesinck and the
west point of Staten Island into the sea. As regards view, therefore,
it lies as well as New York, and is quite safe to be reached by ships.
The land around it is tolerably good, and therefore the place is
reserved from sale. There is an abundance of oysters on the shore,
considered to be of the best. The ebb tide being spent, we entered the
Kill achter Kol with a good wind and, rowing ahead, arrived at about
three o'clock at the point of Woodbridge Creek. We landed here on
Staten Island to drink at the house of the Frenchman _Le
Chaudronnier_, where we formerly passed a night in making our tour of
Staten Island. He set before us something to eat, and related to us
what strange opinions every one, as well as he himself, entertained of
us, which were certainly false enough, and whereof we disabused him.
From there we made good speed past Smokers Hook, and by evening
arrived at the point of Elizabethtown Creek, in the tavern before
mentioned, where we lodged for the night; but there was nothing to be
had there except to warm us. We were no sooner in the house than it
began to rain and blow hard. We were therefore lucky in being housed,
for to be in such weather and darkness upon the water in a canoe, is
not without danger. We again perceived the Lord's goodness and care,
for which we rendered Him thanks. We discovered no chance of going to
the city immediately, but heard that two boats had gone down this
afternoon, and were expected back the next day, which made us glad. We
had something left in our travelling sack, upon which we made our
supper, and then laid ourselves down to sleep in our old fashion upon
a little hay, before the fire.

[Footnote 281: Cologne earth is a brown ochre.]

_2d, Tuesday._ On looking out at daybreak, we found quite calm, good
weather, but no boats; but when it grew lighter, we saw a boat lying
at anchor below the point. She appeared to be laden, and we therefore
could not be certain that she would come up further. It was in
consequence of her being laden that she had waited there for daylight,
although she had a good tide to sail up to the city. We ascertained
she was one of those which had gone down the evening before; and
thereupon looked about to see how to get on board of her, as it would
not be long before she would leave. The landlord took us and another
person in a canoe to put on board, but before we had paddled half way,
we saw them weigh anchor, and get under sail. We called out, and
pulled with all our might, and, as it was calm, overtook her in time,
and went on board. They were Dutchmen from the city, and were even our
neighbors. They cheerfully received us; we paid our landlord, who
immediately rowed back.

The wind began to blow gradually more and more from the
west-northwest, so that when we arrived in the North River, we had as
much as we could carry. It brought us up to the city about nine
o'clock, where we had not yet set a foot on shore, before such a storm
burst out of the northwest, of rain, hail, and snow together, that
every thing seemed to bend and crack. It was at the same time so cold,
it appeared as if this weather, whereby the winter was begun, had held
back until we had arrived in the city to spend the winter. We cannot
pass this circumstance by without some reflections upon the special
goodness and providence of the Lord, which we experience so
constantly; that he caused us to reach the land and house on the point
of Elizabethtown Creek before the storm came up there; that the boat
came to anchor there and took us on board, when she had a good tide
and wind, but the darkness prevented her from keeping on, and we
believe no more boats went there afterwards, not only during
Christmas, but during the whole winter; and thirdly, that as soon as
we had landed in the city, such a great storm and the winter began at
the same time; to which may be added a fourth, that we hired the canoe
on the Raritans, for being in the city, I spoke to the skipper of the
boat, and he said he did not expect to go there again during the
winter. Certainly if we did not regard all this with an humble and
thankful heart, we should be guilty indeed.

But before we depart from New Jersey, we must remark that my Lord
Carteret, having obtained this government, sent here his nephew[282]
Carteret, to manage the same in his own way. This Carteret arriving
here from England, accordingly, for the purpose of governing it, went
first to New England,[283] where he so recommended his plan of
government, and promised the people so much if they would go with him,
that he caused a large number of persons to follow him here from
Piscataway and Woodbridge, two places so called in New England, and
settle down in New Jersey, where they have built two villages, called
Piscataway and Woodbridge, after the names of the places where they
had lived in New England. And indeed they did not do badly in view of
the soil, because it is much richer here than where they were,
although they did not choose the best land here by far. Besides these
people, he found here already a large number of other persons at
Gmoenepa, Bergen, etc.

[Footnote 282: Governor Philip Carteret was a cousin of the

[Footnote 283: Sent word, rather. Governor Carteret arrived in New
Jersey late in 1665. Piscataway was so named from Piscataqua in New
Hampshire (Portsmouth), and Woodbridge from the Rev. John Woodbridge
of Newbury, Massachusetts, from which two places the first settlers

We were welcomed on our arrival by our old people, and we rejoiced and
praised God, for we had seen the storm coming while we were on the
water. We rested and warmed ourselves, then refreshed ourselves a
little, and in the afternoon, delivered a portion of the letters which
had been entrusted to us from the South River, and Maryland. Those
which we had from Ephraim and his wife, we gave to her mother and
father[284] who welcomed us. We told them of the good health of their
children, and the comfort and hope which they gave us, which pleased

[Footnote 284: Step-father; Johannes van Brugh. See p. 94, note 1,

_3d, Wednesday._ We put our chamber in order this morning, and in the
afternoon delivered the rest of the letters. We went also to M. de
Lagrange's, where we saw a newly drawn map of the South River, from
the falls to Burlington, made by the land surveyor there. He told us
the governor had given him a grant of a piece of land on the South
River between those places.

But what grieved us was, on arriving here to find no letters by
Captain Jacob, when we had so much expected them, and did not know the
cause of there being none. But we consoled ourselves in Him who is the
consolation of all those who know Him and trust in Him; as we praised
and thanked Him for His fatherly protection. His constant care and
guidance, through His providence, which has been so continual and so
manifest in our whole journey. He causes us to put our trust in Him,
to lose ourselves in Him, and worthily to walk in such grace that He
may be glorified in us and through us here, during our lives, in
grace, and hereafter in glory. Amen. So may it be.

It would serve very well to add now a general description of the
country through which we have travelled, and of each part in
particular; but as we intend to give ourselves expressly to this work,
we will omit it here, and proceed, meanwhile, with our journal.

_End of the Journey to the Southward._


_Continuation, of what happened in New York during the Winter._

_4th, Thursday._ It was now Christmas, according to the old style. It
had frozen very hard during the night. We went to church, in order to
hear Do. Niewenhuise preach, but more to give no offense to the
people, than either on his or our own account.

_5th, Thursday [Friday]._ We began writing.

_6th, Friday [Saturday]._ It continued to freeze hard, though during
the day the weather was more moderate. The ice was strong and mixed
with snow.

_13th, Saturday._ It felt like a change of weather. In all this time
nothing occurred worthy of note except the ships left the harbor in
front of the city, on Thursday, for Deutel Bay, a cove of Long Island
in the East River, about three miles east of the city, opposite
Hellgate, where they lie during the winter, to be out of the way of
the floating ice, which is sometimes very great.[285] On Friday, the
governor's yacht arrived from Virginia, having been twenty-two days on
the way. They had brought a _sackemaker_ from there with whom the
governor had negotiated for peace between the Indians and English in
that quarter. In all this frost and cold we have discovered little
difference from the cold in Holland, except that when the sun is high,
that is, about nine o'clock in the morning, it is a little milder
here. It thawed every day until the

_16th, Tuesday_, when all the ice and snow disappeared. De la Grange
having a new small map of a portion of the South River, I copied it.

[Footnote 285: Deutel Bay was a small bight in the East River, about
at the foot of Forty-seventh Street. The name was later corrupted into
Turtle Bay. It was not a cove of Long Island.]

_24th, Wednesday._ Fred. Flipsen[286] met me, and told me the
governor had been at his house, and spoken to him about us, and that
he desired to see us and talk with us. We, therefore, determined to
call upon him, and at the expiration of three days of rain and stormy
weather, on the

_25th [26th], Friday_, we went to Fredryck Flipsen, that he might take
us to the governor, as he had promised, and as he did do. The governor
received us kindly, and told us he had wondered at our being so long
in the country without coming to see him. We replied, that we should
undoubtedly not have failed in doing so, if he had been in the city,
for when we arrived here he was at Penequik,[287] and afterwards when
he had been only a few days at home, with much business to occupy him,
he left for Fort Albany just as we were going to the South River. We
parted politely from each other.

[Footnote 286: See p. 5, note 1, _supra_.]

[Footnote 287: Pemaquid, on the Maine coast, where Governor Andros had
caused a fort to be erected, which he visited in the autumn of 1679.]

_30th [29th], Monday._ A person who, they said, was the thief-catcher,
came to our house in the evening, and, by order of the governor,
summoned us to appear at eight o'clock the next morning at the house
of ---- Rombouts,[288] the mayor of the city, and give our names and
further information as to our doings and condition, as all strangers
now and henceforth, whether men or women, must do. We were somewhat
astonished, since they had told us, as was certainly true, that such
had never been the custom. What induced them to adopt this course, we
do not know.

[Footnote 288: Francis Rombouts was mayor of New York in 1679-1680.]

_31st [30th], Tuesday._ We went in company with the old woman where we
lodged, to Mayor Rombouts, at the appointed time. When we arrived,
there was a magistrate's officer or two in attendance, and some came
in while we were there. Addressing us, he said: "Friends, we have
summoned you here, not because we have anything to say to you, or have
any debt to claim, or because any one has sought of us to demand of
you any such thing, or to summon you." The reason, he said, was
because we had been so long in the country without having reported our
names, who we were, our profession, trade or business, condition and
purpose. We answered, we would by no means have been in default, if
there were any law or order which required us to do so, or if we had
been informed that it was customary, or had ever been done; and it
therefore surprised us that they complained and charged us with
neglect of duty, or found fault with us, or wished to convict us of a
matter where there was no law, obligation, custom, or even precedent;
that this treatment struck us as very strange, since there were
several foreigners who had come over in the ship with us, from whom
they had not required what they required of us. "You know well," he
said, "it is the custom in Europe." We replied, "it was not so in any
of the United Provinces or any other places except upon the
frontiers." "Well," he continued, "we are no frontier, but a capital,
and it must and shall be so in the future." He then inquired after our
names, trade or profession, and place of residence in Fatherland, all
of which we told him, namely, that my comrade was a theologian, and
had studied at Leyden;[289] that I was a wine-racker, and that we both
lived near Leeuwarden, in Friesland. He asked further what we came
there to do, or what was our purpose or intention. We told him it was
to look at the country. "How, look at the country?" he asked: "some
come here to look at the cities, others at the fortifications; some to
learn the mode of government and policy, others the manner of
regulating the militia; others again to learn the climate, and times,
and seasons, and you run and travel through the country without giving
us any notice why." We replied, we had come here and travelled through
the country in order to make ourselves acquainted generally with the
nature and fertility of the soil, as was convenient, or we might
perhaps go around mornings and evenings. He inquired further of us how
we wished to be regarded in the future, whether as citizens or
foreigners. We answered, as foreigners. "Well then," he proceeded,
"you are forbidden to carry on trade, particularly with the
inhabitants, that is, to sell anything to private persons, but you
may dispose of it to merchants who sell to private individuals." He
said the privilege, or burgher right cost ---- beavers,[290] each
beaver reckoned at five guilders in Holland money, or twenty-five
guilders in _zeewan_, and was prohibited to all persons who reside out
of the city; and as we resided out of the city, we must be treated
like others. We replied to this, we would cheerfully obey the law. We
were also told to travel nowhere, particularly to Albany, without
special permission from the governor, which we said we would ask from
his Excellency, and thereupon we left.

[Footnote 289: The _Album Studiosorum Academiae Lugduno-Batavae_
(Hague, 1875) contains the entry of "Petrus Sluyter Vesaliensis"
(_i.e._, of Wesel) as entering the University of Leyden in 1666 as a
student of theology, at the age of twenty-one. Also, Sluyter in 1670
told Paul Hackenberg at Herford that he had studied three years in the
Palatinate (without finding one truly pious pastor or teacher). Domine
Selyns, in a letter to Rev. Willem à Brakel, says that Sluyter gave
himself out as a physician, but unsuccessful in practice, Danckaerts
as a wine-racker, as here. Danckaerts is understood from Zeeland
sources to have been originally a cooper for the Dutch West India
Company at Middelburg.]

[Footnote 290: Six beavers, according to a municipal ordinance of

On arriving at our house, we found there Simon of Gouanes,[291] who
had brought a boat-load of wood, and with whom my companion went to
Long Island, but I remained at home; the Lord exercising me somewhat,
I was rather quiet. We had been to the strand several days, watching
for Claes, the ferryman, or some other opportunity to cross over to
Gamoenepaen, but we found none; and as there was some difficulty
between this governor and the governor of New Jersey, we were
contented to wait and follow the providence of the Lord therein,
although our purpose in going over was not on that account.

[Footnote 291: Simon Aertsen de Hart.]

FEBRUARY _1st [January 31], Wednesday._ Gerrit, the son-in-law of our
host, having been a long time upon Long Island, came over with a cask
of tobacco, which he intended to ship in the ship _Beaver_; he
repacked it, and I helped him cooper it.[292] He said he had another
one to bring over from the island, and then he would take Simon's boat
and go with us to Ackquakenon. After he had finished packing this one,
the boat going to Gouanes after wood, I left along with him on the

_3d [2nd], Friday_, at nine o'clock in the morning. I heard that my
companion had gone from the Bay to Najack, where I proposed to follow
him, because we might not be able to obtain these people who, in order
to go to Ackqueqenon, resolve upon it half a year beforehand, for when
one can go, the other cannot, and we were not able to wait. Simon told
us now he could not accompany us. The other person was uncertain, and
Gerrit was not any more sure. I arrived at Najack in the evening, and
my comrade also arrived there from the bay, in company with
Jaques.[293] He concluded to return to the city with me in the

[Footnote 292: The _Beaver_ was the ship by which Gerrit van Duyn's
wife had just come out. For the writer as a cooper see p. 168, note.]

[Footnote 293: Jacques Cortelyou.]

_4th [3d], Saturday._ Our resolution was defeated. We started on the
road, but were compelled to return, as it had rained hard the whole
night, and continued to do so all day.

_5th [4th], Sunday._ It snowed all night and until about nine o'clock
in the morning, when it cleared up, and we set out on our journey. We
reached the ferry at one o'clock, where we waited three hours to be
taken over by the lame brother-in-law of Jan the baker, or Jan

[Footnote 294: Probably a mistake for Jacob Theunissen, who was a
baker at this time.]

_6th [5th], Monday evening._ M. de la Grange came to call upon us,
being somewhat under concern of mind, and giving us some hope. His
wife, being touched also, has been to see us several times; and
certainly the Lord will comfort us about His people. I will take some
other occasion to speak more particularly in relation to this matter,
if the Lord continue it. Meanwhile, I had translated the _Verheffinge
des Geestes tot God_[295] into Dutch, for Elizabeth Rodenburgh, wife
of Ephraim Hermans, in order to send her a token of gratitude for the
acts of kindness enjoyed at her house, as she had evinced a great
inclination for it, and relished it much, when sometimes we read
portions of it to her while we were there. I also began a translation
of the last exercise of the _Heylige Decades_.[296] Nothing further
occurred worthy of mention, except that the snow, frost, rain and
inclement weather prevented us from going to Ackquequenon.[297]

[Footnote 295: "The Liftings up of the Soul to God"; one of Labadie's
publications (Dutch, Amsterdam, 1667), of which, however, Danckaerts
evidently had with him only the original French, _Elévations d'Esprit
à Dieu_ (Montauban, 1651).]

[Footnote 296: _Les Saintes Décades des Quatrains de Piété
Chrestienne_ (Amsterdam, 1671), poems by Jean de Labadie.]

[Footnote 297: Passaic.]

_11th, Sunday._ We received letters from the South River, from Mr.
Ephraim Hermans, and Heer Johan Moll, which consoled us as to their
state, and gave us some hope at least of great progress, as appears by
the same. We answered them, and dispatched our letters by the same
person who brought theirs, and who was to return on the

_14th, Wednesday_, and with whom we sent the translation of the
_Verheffinge des Geestes_ with a small package of knitted
baby-clothes. The ship _Beaver_ came out of Deutel Bay, and was up for
Europe and Holland immediately. Therefore, on the

_15th, Thursday_, we began writing to our friends in the Fatherland.
The winter gradually passing away, the weather was during the last of
February, and first of March, as pleasant as it were the month of May.
I finished the translation of the _Decades_.

MARCH _2d, Saturday._ M. de la Grange has chartered a yacht to go to
the South River, with a lot of merchandise, and to take to his land
there the boor, whom he had brought for that purpose from the
Fatherland. This person came from near Sluis,[298] and had done
nothing here as yet, because De la Grange had not gone to Tinaconcq,
as he had first intended. He designed to take him now to the land he
had bought on Christina Kill, and have it put in order. He had
obtained exemption from tax on his merchandise, and was the first one
who had enjoyed this advantage, that is, from the second tax, he
having paid the first tax when the goods were unladen here. All
merchandise pays a second tax when it is sent to the South River, or
Albany. I gave him _Les Paroles de Salut_[299] for Heer Johan Moll,
who had urgently requested us to send him some religious book or
other, writing to him what was necessary on the subject.

[Footnote 298: Sluis in Staats-Vlanderen, now in Zeeland.]

[Footnote 299: What appears to be the Dutch version of this,
_Handboekje van Godsaligheid_, by Labadie, was published at Amsterdam
in 1680.]

We had waited till this time to go to Ackquekanon, either on account
of the weather, or because it was not convenient for the persons on
Long Island. We finally determined to go with Gerrit, who could speak
very good Indian, and who had sent word to us from Long Island, that
we must be at Simon's house in Gouanes for that purpose on Sunday
morning in order to go in his boat. We accordingly prepared ourselves.

_3d, Sunday._ We both went over to Long Island, at eight o'clock; and
as we were entering the ferry boat, Madame de la Grange came aboard
with her nephew, Kasparus Reinderman, who, when they had landed, took
a wagon and rode on to the bay. We went through Breukelen to Gouanes,
where we arrived about ten o'clock, and found Gerrit was not yet
there. Several families of Indians had erected their huts upon the
beach, whereby Simon's house was very accessible. This was done with
the consent of his wife, with whom he had left the profit from the
Indians. While we were engaged in obtaining some oysters, Gerrit with
Jaques and his son and daughter rode up in a wagon. Jaques had come
for the purpose of attending to a sick horse of Simon, which had a
certain disease, they call here the staggers, to which their horses
are subject, and with which the creatures whether going or standing
constantly stagger, and often fall; this increasing they fall down at
last, and so continue till they die. It is cured sometimes by cutting
the tip end of the tail, and letting the blood drip out; then opening
a vein, giving the animal a warm drink and making a puncture in the
forehead, from which a large quantity of matter runs out. The boat
being leaky, and a right calculation not having been made as to the
tide, we remained here to-day, intending to leave early in the
morning, and, therefore, made every preparation. We had expected
another person to go with us, but there were only us three.

_4th, Monday._ We left Gouanes Bay at high water, about eight o'clock,
with a southerly wind, but calm, and rowed with the current to Gheele
Hoeck,[300] where we made sail, and crossed the bay to Achter Kol,
where we knew there were some Indians lying behind Constables Hook. We
sailed there in order to request one of them, named Hans, to go with
us as a guide. Hans had long frequented among the Dutch, and spoke the
Dutch language tolerably well. He was a great _nitap_, that is, friend
of Gerrit. He refused at first to accompany us, saying he had just
come from there; and when we urged it upon him, he said, "would you
Christians do as much for us Indians? If you had just been there and
had come back tired and weary, and some Indians should come and ask
you in the midst of your children, in your own houses, while busied
with your occupation, would you be ready immediately to go back with
them?" We answered yes, upon proper terms. He said, "I do not think
so, I know well what you would do." We told him, we would fully
satisfy him. He wished to make a bargain beforehand, which we did not,
as we wanted to see whether he would earn anything. He allowed himself
to be persuaded; "but," he said, "I will lose so much time in making
_zeewant_," which is their money and consists only of little beads. "I
am very cold; you are all well clothed and do not feel the cold; I am
an old man (as he was), and have nothing but a little worn-out blanket
for my naked body." We must give him a blanket and then he would be
willing to go with us. We said we had none with us. "Well," he
replied, "I do not ask you to give it to me now, but when I come to
the city." We told him he should be satisfied, and have no cause of
complaint. After he had fitted himself out a little he went with us.
We had some of the flood tide left; but before we reached Schutters
Island the wind changed, and it was quite calm. We therefore struck
our sails and went to rowing in order to strike the current. By
scraping along we reached the Slangenbergh, on the west point of the
Northwest Kill,[301] where there is a very large piece of salt meadow,
and where the tide ran so strong against us we could not proceed any
further. We therefore lay to and went ashore, in order to walk about a
little. This was the largest, cleanest, and most level piece of salt
meadow that we had observed anywhere. After having been an hour or a
little more on shore, a light breeze sprang up out of the east, when
we took the boat again and putting off, came to Milfor,[302] an
English village, lying upon high land on the south side of the creek,
having left Santfort on the right hand, which is an English village
also, lying on the west side of Hackingsackse Kill. We then came to
high land; and the wind falling, we rowed up against the ebb tide to a
house on the northeast side belonging to one Captain Berry, where it
being evening and commencing to rain, we stopped, made the boat fast,
and took every thing out of her. We entered the house which was large
enough, but poorly furnished. We found nobody there except a negro
who could speak nothing but a little broken French. We warmed
ourselves, and ate from what we had brought with us, Hans, the Indian,
sharing with us. In the meanwhile we engaged in conversation with him,
and he told us certain things which we had never heard any Indian or
European mention, the opinion of the Indians in relation to the
Godhead, the creation, and the preservation and government of all

[Footnote 300: Yellow Point.]

[Footnote 301: Passaic River.]

[Footnote 302: Milford, _i.e._, Newark, founded in 1666 by settlers
from Milford, Connecticut, and other Connecticut towns. Opposite,
between the Hackensack and Passaic rivers, lay Captain William
Sandford's plantation (granted 1668), afterward called New Barbadoes.
North of his grant lay that of Captain John Berry (1669), still higher
that of Jacques Cortelyou and his partners.]

We acknowledge, he said, a supreme first power, some cause of all
things, which is known by all the Indians of North America,
hereabouts, whether Mahatans, Sinnekes, Maquaas, Minquaas, southern or
northern Indians, not only by the name of _Sackamacher_ or _Sachamor_
(which the Dutch for the sake of convenience will pervert into
_Sackemacher_), that is to say, lord, captain, or chief, which all
persons bear who have any power or authority among them, especially
any government or rule over other persons and affairs, and that name,
it appeared to him, was used by others to express God, more than by
themselves; but the true name by which they call this Supreme Being,
the first and great beginning of all things, was Kickeron,[303] who is
the origin of all, who has not only once produced or made all things,
but produces every day. All that we see daily that is good, is from
him; and every thing he makes and does is good. He governs all things,
and nothing is done without his aid and direction. "And," he
continued, "I, who am a captain and _Sakemaker_ among the Indians, and
also a medicine-man (as was all true), and have performed many good
cures among them, experience every day that all medicines do not cure,
if it do not please him to cause them to work; that he will cure one
and not another thereby; that sickness is bad, but he sends it upon
whom he pleases, because those upon whom he visits it are bad; but we
did not have so much sickness and death before the Christians came
into the country, who have taught the people debauchery and excess;
they are therefore much more miserable than they were before. The
devil, who is wicked, instigates and urges them on, to all kinds of
evil, drunkenness and excess, to fighting and war, and to strife and
violence amongst themselves, by which many men are wounded and killed.
He thus does all kind of evil to them." I told him I had conversed
with Jasper or Tantaqué, another old Indian,[304] on the subject, from
whence all things had come, and he had told me they came from a
tortoise; that this tortoise had brought forth the world, or that all
things had come from it; that from the middle of the tortoise there
had sprung upon a tree, upon whose branches men had grown. That was
true, he replied, but Kickeron made the tortoise, and the tortoise had
a power and a nature to produce all things, such as earth, trees, and
the like, which God wished through it to produce, or have produced.

[Footnote 303: Probably connected with _Kitchi_, great.]

[Footnote 304: See pp. 76-78, _supra_.]

It was now time to see if we could not take some rest in a place not
very well protected against the cold, and where there was nothing to
lie upon except the naked floor; but the negro wishing to favor my
comrade and myself, showed us a bunk in which there was nothing save a
few leaves of maize, and those thin enough. We lay down there, but
suffered greatly from the cold. We slept very little, and lay
shivering all night, and the slave sometimes shaking us and waking us
up. We were so stiff we could not move; but the night passed on as
well as it could, and we rose early. It had rained, and we started at
daylight to the boat, and rowed into the stream. Gerrit grumbled very
much. He was a coarse, ignorant man, and had not well calculated the
tide. We went ashore about eight or half-past eight to breakfast, and
had great difficulty in making a fire, for all the brush was wet
through with the rain. We were fortunate enough, however, at last, to
succeed. We took a walk for a short distance into the woods, which
were not the poorest. In the meanwhile the ebb had ended; the water
was calm, and taking a little of the flood, we rowed on until we
arrived at Ackquekenon, about one o'clock in the afternoon.
Ackquekenon is a tract of land of about twelve thousand _morgen_,
which Jaques of Najack, with seven or eight associates, had purchased
from the Indians, the deed of which we have seen, and the entire price
of which amounted to one hundred or one hundred and fifty guilders in
Holland money, at the most. It is a fine piece of land, the best tract
of woodland that we have seen except one at the south. It is not very
abundant in wood, but it has enough for building purposes and fuel. On
one side of it is the Northwest Kill, which is navigable by large
boats and yachts thus far, but not beyond. On the other side, there is
a small creek by which it is almost entirely surrounded, affording
water sufficient, both summer and winter, to drive several mills.

When we reached here, we took our provisions and whatever was loose
out of the boat into a hut of the Indians, of whom there is only one
family on this whole tract. We ate our dinner by their fire, and
determined to go in the afternoon to the falls, although it had
already begun to rain. We started off accordingly under the guidance
of Hans, the Indian. The rain gradually increased, with snow, and did
not hold up the whole day. After we had travelled good three hours
over high hills, we came to a high rocky one, where we could hear the
noise of the water, and clambering up to the top, saw the falls below
us, a sight to be seen in order to observe the power and wonder of
God.[305] Behind this hill the land is much higher than on the other
side, and continues so as far as is known. A kill or river runs
through this high land between the hills, formed by several branches
coming down from still higher land. This river, running along the
valley to seek the sea, comes to this hill where it runs over a large
blue rock, which is broken in two, obliquely with the river. One part
is dry, which is the hill before mentioned; the other is where the
river, running over a crevice or fissure between both, appears to be
eight or ten feet wide, having on either side smooth precipices like
walls, but some parts broken between them. The river finding this
chasm pours all its water into it headlong from a height, according to
guess, of about eighty feet; and all this pouring water must break
upon the undermost piece of stone lying in the crevice, which causes a
great roaring and foaming, so that persons standing there, side by
side, have to call out loud before they can understand each other. By
reason of the breaking of the water, and the wind which the falling
water carries with it, there is constantly spray ascending like smoke,
which scatters itself like rain. In this spray, when the sun shines,
the figure of a rainbow is constantly to be seen trembling and
shaking, and even appearing to move the rock. The water in this
fissure runs out on the south; and there at the end of the rock or
point it finds a basin, which is the beginning of the lower kill.
This point is, I judge, about one hundred feet above the water, and is
steep like an upright wall. When the fish come up the river, this
basin is so full of all kinds of them, that you can catch them with
your hands, because they are stopped there, and collect together,
refreshing themselves, and sporting in and under the falling fresh
water, which brings with it, from above, bushes, green leaves, earth,
and mire, in which they find food. The water runs hence east and
northeast to Ackquekenon. The Indians come up this river in canoes to
fish, because it is one of the richest fisheries they have; but the
river is not navigable by larger boats, though in case the country
were settled the navigation could be improved. The falls lie among
high hills, especially on the south, so that the sun does not
penetrate there well except in summer. We found heavy ice there at
this time, although it had all thawed away below. When I saw this ice
at a distance, I supposed it was the foam. I took a sketch[306] as
well as I could, very hastily, for we had no time, and it rained and
snowed very much. What I did is not very happily done. I regret I
could not crayon it, for it is worth being portrayed. Night coming on,
we had to leave. We were very wet and cold, especially in the feet. It
was dark, and slippery walking on such precipices, and crossing little
streams. Tired and weary, wet and dirty, we reached the place which we
had started from, about eight o'clock in the evening, and went into
the hut of the Indians, having to-day rowed constantly from early dawn
until one or two o'clock, and then walked, through heavy weather,
twenty-four to twenty-eight miles.

[Footnote 305: The falls of the Passaic, at Paterson, New Jersey.]

[Footnote 306: Not preserved.]

We endeavored to warm and dry ourselves in this cabin as best we
could. We could not stand up on account of the smoke, and there were
no means of sitting down unless flat on the ground, which was very bad
for us, on account of our being so wet, but we did the best we could.
We took our supper, and distributed some of our bread among the
Indians, with which they were as much pleased as children with sweet
cake. We gave each man four fish-hooks, and the women and children
each two. We also gave them two small trumpets, and then they were
great _nitaps_ or friends. We had to lie down there, and at first, as
long as it was warm, it went very well; but the fire being almost
burned out, and the hut rather airy, and the wind being no longer kept
out by the heat in the opening, through which the smoke escaped, we
became stiff in the knees, so that I could not, through weariness and
cold, move mine without great pain and difficulty. The longed-for day
came, and we went out in the snow to look through the woods, and along
the little stream, to see whether it would be worth the trouble to
erect a saw-mill there for the purpose of sawing timber for sale, as
Jaques had supposed. But although we found the stream suitable for
mills, we did not discover proper wood sufficient for the purpose. The
soil seemed to promise good, and the place is as well situated as it
can be, to make a village or city. The land on both sides of the
Northwest Kill is all taken up, and the prospect is that the whole
region will soon be inhabited. It is already taken up on the south
side as high up as the falls. Eating our breakfast about eight
o'clock, we went on board of the boat, it being now the

_6th, Wednesday._ We set off with a westerly wind, though light and
gusty. If the wind in this river do not come straight from behind, you
cannot derive much benefit from it, in consequence of the land on both
sides of it being so high, and the bay so winding. The river is the
pleasantest we have yet seen. It is gratifying to look upon the
continually changing views which present themselves in going either up
or down, with its evergreens of pine and cedar, and other species, the
names of which I do not know, and its clean bottom and clear fresh
water. We rowed and sailed as well as we could, until the flood tide
stopped us, when we went ashore to eat our dinner, and make a good
fire to warm ourselves. When the ebb began to make, we proceeded on
our way. Our poor Indian, who did nothing in the boat, sat all the
time benumbed with cold in his poor little blanket. But as the day
advanced it was better. The tide serving us, and the wind being
stronger as we came below the high land, we reached Achter Kol before
evening, and set the Indian ashore at his hut, who told us he would
come and see us on Monday. It was calm, with the wind more and more
favorable, and we crossed over the bay, and arrived Gouanes Bay about
eight o'clock.

I had asked Hans, our Indian, what Christians they, the Indians, had
first seen in these parts. He answered the first were Spaniards or
Portuguese, from whom they obtained the maize or Spanish or Turkish
wheat, but they did not remain here long. Afterwards the Dutch came
into the South River and here, on Noten Island,[307] a small island
lying directly opposite the fort at New York, and to Fort Orange or
Albany, and after them the English came for the first, who
nevertheless always disputed the first possession. But since the
country has been taken several times by the one and the other, the
dispute is ended in regard to the right of ownership, as it is now a
matter of conquest.

[Footnote 307: Governor's Island. The Spaniards spoken of may have
been Verrazano's men.]

When we arrived at Gouanes, we heard a great noise, shouting and
singing in the huts of the Indians, who as we mentioned before, were
living there. They were all lustily drunk, raving, striking, shouting,
jumping, fighting each other, and foaming at the mouth like raging
wild beasts. Some who did not participate with them, had fled with
their wives and children to Simon's house, where the drunken brutes
followed, bawling in the house and before the door, which we finally
closed. And this was caused by Christians. It makes me blush to call
by that holy name those who live ten times worse than these most
barbarous Indians and heathen, not only in the eyes of those who can
discriminate, but according to the testimony of these poor Indians
themselves. What do I say, the testimony of the Indians! Yes, I have
not conversed with an European or a native born, the most godless and
the best, who has not fully and roundly acknowledged it, but they have
not acknowledged it salutarily, and much less desisted, disregarding
all convictions external and internal, notwithstanding all the injury
which springs therefrom, not only among the Indians, but others, as we
will show in its proper place. How will they escape the terrible
judgment of God; how evade the wrath and anger of the Lord and King,
Jesus, whom they have so dishonored and defamed, and caused to be
defamed among the heathen? Just judgment is their damnation. But I
must restrain myself, giving God all judgment and wrath, and keeping
only what he causes us to feel therefor. Such are the fruits of the
cursed cupidity of those who call themselves Christians for the very
little that these poor naked people have. Simon and his wife also do
their best in the same way, although we spoke to them severely on the
subject. They brought forward this excuse, that if they did not do it,
others would, and then they would have the trouble and others the
profit, but if they must have the trouble, they ought to have the
profit; and so they all said, and for the most part falsely, for they
all solicit the Indians as much as they can, and after begging their
money from them, compel them to leave their blankets, leggings, and
coverings of their bodies in pawn, yes, their guns and hatchets, the
very instruments by which they obtain their subsistence. This subject
is so painful and so abominable, that I will forbear saying anything
more for the present.

These Indians had _canticoyed_ there to-day, that is, conjured the
devil, and liberated a woman among them, who was possessed by him, as
they said; and indeed, as they told us, it had that appearance, but I
have never seen it.[308]

[Footnote 308: The _canticoy_ of the Indians was wild dancing.]

We fared better this night than the last, and whether from fatigue or
other reasons, slept soundly.

_7th, Thursday._ We had intended to go to Najacq, to Jaques's, and
afterwards to Elbert's in the bay, in order to report to them how we
had found their land, but Gerrit having promised his father-in-law
some firewood, he had to take Simon's boat for the purpose, and
Simon's wife also had some errands in the city. We, therefore,
determined to go with them, as we did, leaving Gouanes at ten o'clock,
and seeing the Indians putting up their huts which they had entirely
thrown down during their intoxication, although it was not much
trouble, as it was not much to make them. With a tolerably fair wind
we reached the city at noon, where we gave ourselves up to rest.

We wished now to make a voyage to the Nevesinkx, Rentselaer's Hoeck,
and Sant Hoek, but we could find no opportunity, for the reason that
this route is very little navigated in the winter and spring, because
it is somewhat dangerous. Meanwhile, the weather continued very
variable; sometimes we had frost and severe cold, then rain and snow,
wind and squalls, until the time of the sun's crossing the line, when
it began to become warm, but continued still variable, though it
improved daily.

_20th, Wednesday._ While my comrade sat writing, he observed a change
in his vision, being able to see better than before, when he had to
look extremely close in writing. It happened thus: writing as he was
accustomed to do, his sight in an instant became entirely obscured, so
that he had to stop, not being able to write any more. Not knowing
what it was, he shut his eyes and rubbed them, as they usually do when
anything obstructs the sight, and then undertook to write as he had
done before, but yet he could not see well; when raising his head
higher from the paper, he saw much clearer than when he had to look
close to it. Had he kept his eyes up so high before, he would scarcely
have been able to see at all. You could also perceive that his writing
was different afterwards.

A yacht arrived down the river from the Hysopes,[309] from which they
learned that the navigation was open, though boats going up would have
to tug through the ice. It brought news of the death of the minister,
Domine Gaesbeck, a Cocceian, which had caused great sorrow.[310] They
had determined to call another minister from Holland, or Tessemaker
from the south. They had built a new church in the Hysopus, of which
the glass had been made and painted in the city, by the father of our
mate, Evert Duiker, whose other son, Gerrit, did most of the
work.[311] This Gerrit Duiker had to take the glass to the Hysopes,
and having heard we had a mind to go there, he requested our company,
which we would not refuse him when the time came. He promised to teach
me how to draw.

[Footnote 309: Esopus, founded in 1652. See pp. 220-221, _post_.]

[Footnote 310: Rev. Laurentius van Gaasbeeck, licentiate in theology
and doctor of medicine (M.D., Leyden, 1674), had come to the Esopus in
September, 1678, and had preached at its three villages of Kingston,
Marbleton, and Hurley. He died in February, 1680. A letter from the
church, asking for another minister, is in _Ecclesiastical Records of
New York_, II. 748. Tesschenmaker had served the church temporarily
before Gaasbeeck's arrival.]

[Footnote 311: Evert Duyckinck the elder and his son Gerrit were
painters and glaziers; the father is also designated in the Dutch
church records as "Schilder," maker of pictures.]

_23d, Saturday._ The first boat arrived from Fort Orange[312] to-day,
bringing scarcely any news except that a great number of Indians had
died in the early part of the winter of small pox, and a large party
of them had gone south to make war against the Indians of Carolina,
beyond Virginia, for which reason the hunting of beaver had not been
good, and there would be a great scarcity of peltries this year, which
was the chief trade of New Netherland, especially in this quarter.

[Footnote 312: Albany.]

There was something published and posted by this government to-day
against that of New Jersey or Achter Kol, but I do not know precisely
what it was.[313] We found to-day an opportunity to go to Nevesinck.
An Englishman who had a little boat, and small enough, was going on
Monday without fail, and he had, he said, about sixteen passengers.

[Footnote 313: Governor Andros's proclamation of March 13/23, 1680,
against Governor Carteret's assuming to exercise powers of government
in New Jersey. It may be found in _New Jersey Archives_, I. 293.]

_24th, Sunday, and 25th, Monday._ It stormed hard from the northwest,
and he could not go, but he came to tell us he would give us notice
when he would sail.

_26th, Tuesday._ He came and told us he would leave next day at
sunrise, and in passing by the house, he would come in and call us.

_27th, Wednesday._ We waited for him from an early hour, but it was
nearly ten o'clock before we saw him. We went to his boat which was
poor enough, very small, light, and lank, though it had been repaired
some; it had an old sail and piece of a foresail, and yet this captain
was as stern and arrogant with his boat, as if it were a ship-of-war.
We waited there for the passengers, but they had melted away to three,
my comrade, myself and one other person. We started about eleven
o'clock with a good wind and tide, though it was almost low water.
When we reached the Narrows, the wind veered round to the southeast,
which was against us. We discovered the boat to be so leaky that she
had a foot or two of water in her, which he sought to excuse, but
every word he said on the subject was untrue. The pump was stopped up,
and we had to help him clear it out, which was accomplished after much
trouble and bungling. We cleared it out, but we had that to do three
times, because in repairing the boat they had left all the chips and
pieces of wood lying in the hold between the planks, and when we
pumped, this stuff would continually obstruct the pump, though we
succeeded in getting out most of the water. Meanwhile the wind changed
to the south and southwest, with which there was every prospect of
getting outside. We tacked about and reached Coney Island, a low,
sandy island, lying on the east side of the entrance from the sea. We
came to anchor under its outermost point, when we should have gone
inside of Sandy Hook, in a creek, as we were able yet to do; but he
said, we must go outside of Sandy Hook, round by sea, and then make
for a creek there. I began now to have other thoughts. To put to sea
in such a light, low, decayed, and small boat, with rotten sails, and
an inexperienced skipper, and that at night, did not suit me very
well. The sea began already to roll round the point of Coney Island,
and I apprehended bad weather from pain in my breast and other
indications. He said the place where we were lying was entirely shoal,
and he therefore dared not go near the shore, as there was only eight
or ten feet water. But he was much mistaken, for when he let the
anchor fall, it ran out six fathoms of rope before it struck the
bottom. I had seated myself all the time at the helm, and observed he
was a miserable person. It was then about half flood, and having put
things somewhat in order, he asked us if we would go ashore with him.
I said yes, and I did so for the purpose of ascertaining how the
westerly point of this island was situated on the sea entrance. My
comrade and the other passenger, having no wish to go, remained on
board. Upon reaching the shore, we saw immediately a large ship coming
up the bay from Sandy Hook, which we supposed to be Margaret's ship,
which she had left to be repaired at Falmouth, as we have before
mentioned.[314] I wondered why our skipper did not return on board,
but he not only remained ashore and left his boat with two
inexperienced persons, but he had not hauled up on the beach his small
canoe in which we came ashore, or made it fast. I went with him along
the strand, on the sea side, and saw that, close by Coney Island, a
strong flood tide was running, which was pressed between the east bank
and the island, and that led us to think there was an opening there
through which you could sail out and in, which is the fact, as I was
afterwards informed by one who was very well acquainted with the
place; but it is only deep enough for boats, yachts, and other small
craft. This island, on the sea side, is a meadow or marsh intersected
by several kills or creeks. It is not large, being about half an hour
or three quarters long, and stretching nearly east and west. It is
sandy and uninhabited. They generally let their horses run upon it to
feed, as they cannot get off of it. We found good oysters in the creek
inside, and ate some of them, but seeing his carelessness, I could not
remain longer from the boat, as the canoe might be carried off, on the
rise of the water, by the tide or the wind, and my comrade and the
other passenger, who was sea-sick, not know what to do, the more so in
view of the inexperience and carelessness of the captain. I therefore
hurried to the boat, running across the island. On the inside of the
island I found a sandy elevation like a dune or high dyke which became
gradually lower towards Long Island, and that is all which shows
itself here. This elevation is on the land side, and is mostly covered
with hollies, which, according to my recollection, I have never seen
growing in this region except on dry and very fine sand. When we
reached the canoe it was not only afloat, but it had been thrown
across the beach by the sea, and was full of water. If it had moved
off, we certainly should have been at a loss. The water being high,
the sea came rolling in heavily around the point into the bay, and
caused the boat lying in the current, which ran strong here, to pitch
greatly. We were even fearful about getting on board again, for the
canoe could scarcely hold us both. I told him to go on board first,
and bring the boat nearer the shore, and then he could take me aboard,
but he would not do so, we must go on board together. We therefore
both went into it, and reached the boat, though it was very dangerous.
As soon as we came aboard, our skipper spoke about leaving there, as
we could not lie there well. I asked him where he would go to. He said
to the city, which I did not much oppose, and was secretly glad of,
seeing it was from the Lord. We therefore had to abandon our design of
going to the Nevesinckx at this time. The large ship which we had seen
sailed before us; and we found that we had not been mistaken in our
supposition, as it was the same vessel we had left in Falmouth. It
commenced blowing hard in the evening, and we had as much as we could
stand, but we reached the city while it was yet in the evening, very
much rejoiced.

[Footnote 314: See p. 28, _supra_.]

_28th, Thursday, and 29th, Friday._ There was a severe storm,
accompanied with much rain, from the southeast, it being about new
moon. Certainly, if we did not see in this the continual care of the
Lord, in His providence, we were worse than beasts, for it was too
manifest not to be touched by it. He gives us grace only to lose
ourselves more and more in Him, and to offer ourselves up to His

_30th, Sunday [Saturday.]_ The storm continued the whole day.

_31st, Monday [Sunday.]_ We determined to make a journey to Albany at
the first opportunity, but this could not be done without the special
permission of the governor. Though a regulation exists that no one
shall go up there unless he has been three years in the country, that
means for the purpose of carrying on trade; for a young man who came
over with us from Holland proceeded at once to Albany, and continues
to reside there. We went accordingly to request permission of the
governor. After we had waited two or three hours, his Excellency came
in and received us kindly. We made our request, which he neither
refused nor granted, but said he would take it into consideration.
Meanwhile we inquired after vessels, of which there were plenty going
up at this time of year.

APRIL _2d [3d], Wednesday._ We went again to the lord governor for
permission, who received us after he had dined. He inquired for what
purpose we wished to go above; to which we answered, we had come here
to see the country, its nature and fertility; and that we had heard
there were fine lands above, such as Schoonechten, Rentselaerswyck,
and the Hysopus.[315] "Those are all small places," he said, "and are
all taken possession of; but I am ashamed I did not think of this." He
then requested us to come some morning and dine with him, when he
would talk with us. We thanked him, and took our leave, reflecting
whether it would be advisable to trouble his Excellency any more about
the matter, as it was not of such great importance to us, and he,
perhaps, considered it of more moment than we did. We then felt
inclined to leave the country the very first opportunity, as we had
nothing more to do here, and it was the very best time of year to make
a voyage. As we had some of our goods left after we were forbidden to
sell any more, we went to see if we could get rid of what we had kept
for Ephraim. As there was no prospect of seeing him, we proposed to
do the best we could with one of our neighbors, named Cornelius van
Kleif, to whom my comrade had spoken, and who was inclined to trade.
He entered into negotiations, but was a little timorous. We offered to
let him examine the bills of the persons from whom we had bought the
goods, and also of the freight and custom-house duties, and he should
give us an advance of thirty per cent. on their amount; or, he might
see what they were worth, and could be sold for, and we would divide
the profits equally with him. After he had looked at them, he did not
dare to take them himself alone, but said he would bring another
person, in order that with the two of them they might make it safe. He
did not say he had no means of payment, though he did remark he had no
peltries, which we would willingly have taken in payment. The other
person had the means to pay. We told him we would wait until de La
Grange returned from the South River; that I had spoken to his wife on
the subject, and that he was expected back every day; at all events,
that we would wait until we had spoken to some other person. Van
Kleif's wife, however, took some fine thread, ribbons, pins, and what
she wanted for herself.

[Footnote 315: Schenectady, Rensselaerswyck, Esopus.]

_7th, Sunday._ M. de La Grange arrived home from the South River, and
came with his wife in the afternoon to visit us, both being under
concern of mind. We addressed to them what we thought necessary. He
stated he had agreed with his nephew to go in partnership with him,
and could not withdraw therefrom, unless God did something special.
They both hoped that God would have pity upon them.

We spoke of the remnant of our little stock, and of the time advancing
when we must be rid of it, so as to be prepared to leave the country.
He said as soon as the boat, which he had chartered, returned from the
South River, in which he had some peltries, we would see what we could
do with each other.

_8th, Monday._ Van Kleif came to examine the goods again. He had the
disposition, but not the means to buy, and wished to bring still
another person to make the purchase, whom he named, and who was one of
the most miserly persons in the city, which was not agreeable to us.
We, therefore, told him we had already spoken to M. de La Grange.

_10th, Wednesday._ The boat of de La Grange arrived from the South
River, bringing a letter for us from Ephraim, in which he informed us
of his intention to come and visit us the last of April or the first
of May, which we much desired.

A certain governor from Harford [Hartford], a place situated to the
north, arrived in the city from the West Indies.[316] Our governor
entertained him nobly, and parted with him with great civility.

[Footnote 316: William Leete was governor of Connecticut at this time,
but there seems to be no evidence of his leaving his colony to go to
the West Indies.]

Two vessels sailed for Boston, where we much desired to go, but we
were not prepared. The governor investigated whether either of them
had taken anything on board below the city.

We left a small piece of brown serge, which stood us in rather dear,
but was very fine and strong, and which on account of its high price,
we had not been able to dispose of, to be cut up for a coat,
waistcoat, and breeches for both of us, with fur in front, so that
almost the whole piece was used, De la Grange taking the remnant, with
which he was much pleased, for a coat, because he did not know where
to obtain such goods in this country. Meanwhile, the barter of our few
goods was going on with him at the rate of fifty per cent. profit on
the invoices, upon which condition he took almost all of them.

_13th, Saturday._ We called upon the governor, and requested
permission to leave. He spoke to us kindly, and asked us to come the
next day after preaching, thus preventing our request.

_14th, Sunday._ About five o'clock in the afternoon, we went to the
lord governor, who was still engaged, at our arrival, in the Common
Prayer; but as soon as it was finished, he came and spoke to us, even
before we had spoken to him, and said of a person who was with him,
"This is Captain Deyer,[317] to whom I have given directions to write
a permit or passport for you to go to Albany." He again asked us where
we came from, and where we lived, which we told him. He also inquired
something about the prince of Friesland, and the princess, and also
about the differences of the people of Friesland and His Royal
Highness and Their High Mightinesses, which we told him.[318] We then
thanked him for his favor, and said the object of our visit was not
only to ask permission to go up the river, but also to leave the
country. He thereupon stated that there would be no boat going to
Boston for two or three weeks, but he intended to send one himself
soon to Pennequicq,[319] which was at our service, and we could easily
get to Boston from there by a fishing boat or some other vessel. We
thanked him for the honor and kindness he had shown us, and further
inquired of him whether it would be necessary to have a passport at
our departure. He replied no. We inquired also whether it would be
necessary to post up our names, as there is an established regulation
that it should be done six weeks before leaving. To this he replied,
if we were merchants, and owed anybody, it would be proper to do so,
and then asked if such was the case with either of us. We answered no;
then, he continued, it is not necessary. For all which we thanked his
Excellency, and took our leave.

[Footnote 317: William Dyer had been commissioned by the Duke of York
in 1674 as collector of the port of New York, and was still acting as
such. The next year, 1680-1681, he was mayor of the city.]

[Footnote 318: Since the revolution of 1672 in Holland, William III.,
Prince of Orange, afterward king of Great Britain, had been stadholder
(governor) of that province, and of four others of the seven provinces
of which the Dutch federal republic, the United Provinces, consisted.
But the other two provinces, Friesland and Groningen, kept as their
chief executive Count Henry Kasimir II. of Nassau-Dietz, a third
cousin of the Prince of Orange. The stadholder of Friesland was not on
good terms with his great relative, and under his lead Friesland stood
somewhat aloof from the policies of the latter and of Their High
Mightinesses the States-General of the United Provinces. The title His
Royal Highness would be given to the Prince of Orange by Andros
because of his recent marriage (1677) to the Princess Mary, daughter
of the Duke of York and niece of Charles II.]

[Footnote 319: Pemaquid.]

Reflecting upon this matter, we thought whether it would not be more
respectful to make the voyage to Albany, than to leave, since we had
several times requested permission to do so, and he had now granted
it. Should we not go, it would perhaps not be well received by him,
the more so as there would not be any vessel going to Boston for some
weeks. Nevertheless, it was not bad that we had shown his Excellency
it was not so important to us that we could not let it pass.

_15th, Monday._ We went in search of a boat to go to Albany, and found
one ready to leave immediately. The name of the skipper was Meus[320]
Hooghboom, to whom we agreed to pay, for the passage up and down, one
beaver, that is, twenty-five guilders in _zeewant_, for each of us,
and find ourselves. We gave him our names, to have them inserted in
the passport.

[Footnote 320: _Meus_ for Bartholomaeus, Bartholomew.]

Meanwhile we disposed of all our goods to M. de La Grange, upon the
terms before mentioned, and received in pay peltries of every
description. But, as we were not experienced in merchandise, and much
less in peltries, we deemed it proper to have what we received,
examined and valued against the goods sold, by Van Kleif, before
named. He valued some of the peltries much less than they had been
charged to us. But as there are few merchants who do not _hatchel_
each other a little, so standing near this merchant you could see he
was not free from this feeling, and you would believe, if he had owned
our goods and been free to receive payment for them, in such kind of
pay, he would have valued them much higher. However, there were three
beavers among them which were not current; these De la Grange
cheerfully took back, as they were not his, but had been borrowed by
him of his nephew, in consequence of his not having enough of his own.

He was about to return to the South River, in order to bring on more
goods, which he had there. His wife was going with him, to see if she
would live there; for she seemed to take the subject to heart of
separating herself from the sinful attachments of the world, giving up
trade, and going to live upon the land and out of the land. His nephew
was also going with them, for a pleasure trip, and to see the country,
and especially to learn the way of trading. They were to leave this
evening, having already dispatched the boat on Monday last.

_16th, Tuesday._ Before we proceed any further, I must here insert a
very remarkable circumstance, for the comfort and joy of God's
children, who rejoice with the holy and blessed angels over the
repentance of one poor great sinner, more than over ninety and nine
just men, who need no repentance. The old man and his wife with whom
we lodged had several children, the husband and wife each three by
former marriages, and one between themselves. The husband's children
by his former wife were two daughters and one son. One of the
daughters was married to Gerrit, the wheelwright, who had married her
in New Netherland, but upon the first change in the government[321]
she left for Holland, and he followed her there after a little time,
and kept house at Swol [Zwolle]; but not being able, after several
years, to succeed very well in the Netherlands, he came back in the
same ship with us, leaving his wife and children behind at Zwolle.
Finding matters go on here to his wishes, he sent for his family by
Captain Jacob, of the ship _Beaver_. This is Gerrit the wheelwright,
or carpenter, whom we have mentioned several times in our
journal.[322] Another daughter lived still at Amsterdam, for whom he
has given us several messages and a letter to take when we leave. His
son is a carpenter in the East Indies. The children of the old woman
were a daughter named Geesie, married here in New York to one Peter
Denis, weighmaster; another daughter, named Rebecca, was also married
here with one Arie, who gained his livelihood by cultivating land and
raising cattle, but kept a tavern, or drinking house, having a
situation therefor, and living upon a delightful spot at the Vers
Water (Fresh Water), a little out of town; and a son, named Theunis,
who was married and had six children, and who supported himself by
farming at Sapokanike. The old couple had one child between them,
named Willem, now about twenty-three years old, a carpenter by trade,
a little rough and coarse, but otherwise not an unjust kind of a
person, according to the world. He lived at home with his parents,
where we lodged.[323] He was somewhat wronged in his inheritance, as
the old people acknowledged, and we reproved them for it. They
promised amendment.

[Footnote 321: When the English conquered New Netherland, in 1664.
Zwolle is in the province of Overyssel. The old man was Jacob
Hellekers, his daughter's husband Gerrit van Duyn. See p. 36, note 2.
In fact, however, Gerrit had not gone back to Holland till 1670, nor
his wife till 1671.]

[Footnote 322: See pp. 36, 43, 49, 68, 169, 171, 228.]

[Footnote 323: Jacob Hellekers's wife was Theuntje Theunis. She was
thrice married: to Ide ----, to Jacob Hellekers, to Jan Strijker.
Peter Denys of Emmerich was farmer of the weigh-house; for Arie or
Adriaen Corneliszen, see p. 47, note 1; Theunis Idenszen, a man of
forty-one at this time, was assessor of the out ward in 1687, was
married to Jannetje Thyssen, and had six children; Willem Hellekers
was constable of the east ward in 1691.]

Now the before named Theunis had led a very godless life, and had
been wild and reckless, extraordinarily covetous, addicted to cursing
and swearing, and despising all religious things; but he was not a
drunkard, nor was he unchaste, though he previously had taken
something that did not belong to him. In a word, he was ignorant of
the truth and a godless man, yet his evil and wickedness were more in
the spirit than in the flesh. Nevertheless, it appears that God had
purposes of grace in regard to him, and the time was approaching when
God would touch him and draw him to Him. He had long since felt his
conscience gnawing him for his godless life, and that with a strength
which very much increased his chagrin. He became meagre in body, his
eyes were sunken in his head, he was sombre of speech, he sought
solitude in order to fly from the evil, but found it was augmented
manifold; and gradually began to long for deliverance and a better
life. The devil had been assailing him for six years past, and he was
therefore in a miserable state, of both soul and body. Thus he was
when, by God's providence, we arrived in the country, and went to
lodge at his mother's house, as we have related. We had been at the
house only two or three days, when he also came there. I was writing
in the front room, and my comrade was with me. He heard us talking
together about God, and the Christian life in general, which so
affected him that he said to himself, "O God! what men are these?
Where did they come from? Are there such people still in the world?"
This he told us afterwards. However, it took such hold of his heart,
that he more earnestly resolved to reform his life, while the devil,
being more displeased, assailed him the more violently. His wife was a
very ill-natured woman, scolding, growling, cursing and swearing at
him, as well as at their children, and constantly finding fault with
him, through her avarice, because he did not do more work, although he
wrought continually, and as much as three other men. Their children,
collectively, were very bad and saucy, and cursed and swore at each
other, except the oldest, a daughter, who appeared to be the best of
them. This man being in such a state was pressed on all sides. He
sometimes, but not often, came to our house, and as we knew nothing of
his condition, we only addressed to him occasionally a general remark.
However, his time and that of the Lord were approaching. He heard a
sermon upon the requisites of communicants of the Lord's supper, which
he had never as yet enjoyed; and was thrown very much aback, abhorring
himself and many others, who went to it, yet pursued as wicked lives
as he did. For himself, he saw no probability of his ever being able
to partake of it, conscious as he was of his being wicked and
unworthy. He saw no means of release, and found no help or consolation
wherever he went or came. To go to his minister would, he thought,
render him little good, as he knew by several examples. He kept his
condition concealed from us, and did not dare speak to us, so that he
was in distress for himself, his family, and his entire state, and
often wishing to die. This caused him to live in continual variance
and quarrelling with his neighbors. He lost several cows and other
cattle, by which he suffered great damage. A little daughter, about
fourteen years old, who lived with her grandmother, was so badly
ruptured, that there was no probability of her being cured, or ever
being fit to be married. He had bought a piece of land, in common with
Arie, his brother-in-law, to make tillable land out of the rough
woods. It was to him like dead fruit. He worked on it three times as
much as the other did, in felling and chopping trees, and making the
best of it into timber, which was carried to the city with little or
no profit to him, but to the people to whom Arie was indebted.
Differences arose between them as to the land and labor, and it was
therefore proposed to divide it, and separate; but, as has been before
mentioned, they had begun to clear off a part of it, and they could
not agree which should have the cleared land, where he had bestowed so
much labor. Great bitterness sprang out of it, when the mother and
friends interposed, and settled the difficulty as well as they could.
Theunis obtained the cleared land on condition he should make some
indemnity to the other; and a part of the land, where he had worked
like a mole, and bought and paid for, should be given up by him. He
had a very large and beautiful canoe, which was worth much to him, and
had been very serviceable to him; this was entirely dashed to pieces
by a northwest storm, as Sapocanikke, where he resided and the canoe
lay, makes with this wind a flat lee shore. Although his neighbors
could have prevented the breaking of the canoe, if they had done as
they ought to have done, they had not at least attempted to prevent
it. He had a fine large negro, a slave, whom he had long possessed,
and taught to work and speak good Dutch; who had done him great
service, and he had much love for him. The negro was riding on
horseback, when the horse ran away with him, and he fell and was
injured internally in the breast. He became sick, supposing it was a
cold, and died in a few days. This event caused great sorrow to him,
his wife, and his whole family, as also to all his friends; for it was
a severe blow and damage to him. He was once working in the field, and
his wife was called to help one of the cows which was sick and in a
bad condition. This happened eight or ten times at night as well as in
the day, whereby he and his wife had no rest night or day. He was on
one occasion attending her, when word came to them that one of their
little daughters had fallen dead in the barn, and indeed they knew no
better, for she lay in a swoon as if dead; at which they were all much
frightened and out of their senses. Thus he had one blow after
another. The child, who was about nine or ten years old, came to, when
they thought her arm was broken, or at least her shoulder out of
joint, for she had fallen from a great height. She was brought in that
condition to her grandmother's, at our lodgings, to be cured, which
was effected after some time. He has also had several mishaps in the
woods in chopping and felling trees; and had about this time an
accident which broke him down. Having felled a tree, it remained
hanging with its branches in the limbs of another one, and in
endeavoring to pull it out his whole hand was crushed so that all his
fingers festered. This happened shortly after the others. All these
misfortunes depressed this poor man very much, and daily increased his
anguish. He could not sleep, and found rest nowhere. He did nothing
but sigh and complain of inward trouble. When we heard all these
things, we said several times to each other, the Lord has certainly
some intention in regard to this man and this household: the Lord
visits this man; although we did not doubt there was something of the
evil one.

About this time he came to our house, and we embraced the opportunity
to speak to him, which we did with great earnestness and affection, by
which he was strengthened, and went home contented. But it did not
continue long. He became very much disturbed and troubled. He went in
the fields to plough, and the horses began to neigh and bellow, and
would not stand still an instant, springing and jumping, entangling
themselves together, foaming and fuming so that he did not know what
course to pursue. As to himself, he became so frightened and
perplexed, so confused that he did not knew what he did or where he
was; he was bewildered, and his whole understanding lost; he was like
one blind; he wanted to go to the house, and ran hither and thither,
through water and everywhere, his hat off his head, and across the
fields, and thus reached home. His wife and children were frightened
because he looked so horrible and disfigured. He demanded a rope and
wanted to harm himself, for he said he could live no longer. The wife
and children cried; neighbors were sent for; one of the children
brought the grandmother and Rebecca, his sister, from the city. This
was on Tuesday, the 16th of April, in the afternoon. My comrade was in
the front room when the news came, though there were no particulars.
He came to me in the back room sorrowful, and said to me, "_Vous ne
savez que le malin a eu possession sur nostre pauvre homme_."[324]
"What man?" I asked. "Our Theunis," he replied, "word came that he had
hanged himself, and afterwards that they did not know whether he was
alive." We were alarmed; the old woman, his mother, had gone to him;
and after waiting a little time, we also determined to go, and as we
were a little quicker on foot we reached Sapocanike almost as soon as
she did. As we approached the house we heard the lamentations of the
women and children; and on entering we found there no one except the
mother, the sister Rebecca, and a female neighbor who was a _faus
pieuse_.[325] As soon as we came in, he stood up and came to meet us,
holding out his hand, and calling out: "Friends, is there still grace
with God, is there still grace for me with God?" We grasped his hand
and said: "Yes, there is grace for you with God, and for all repentant
sinners." He exclaimed, "What wickedness have I committed! how have I
sinned! how have I stolen God's honor, His name profaned with vile
oaths, his sabbaths violated, his word despised! how godless have I
lived, and run from Him! But He has overtaken me. How has the devil
troubled and tempted me, how has he for six years assailed me, seeing
that I no longer wished to serve him! And now when God comes to touch
me and draw me, he seeks to devour me; but he shall not have me. God
who protects me is stronger than he," and much more of similar import.
We then spoke to him according to his state and condition, which did
him much good. This _pieuse_ prated also after her manner, but we
tempered her down a little. She had urged him very strongly to go and
sit down and read I know not what kind of a book; for, she said, she
had also been in such a state, and that reading had done her much
good. She was much astonished at our saying he should not read, which
could be done afterwards, and would benefit him when he should be well
and quiet, and felt a desire and longing for it; that he should now,
if he could, go to work at what had to be done or he had an
inclination to do, whether in the barn among the grain or in the
stalls among the cattle, or any other necessary work. We exhorted him
to put his trust in God, to pray to Him and cleave to Him; the devil
would then have no more power over him, as this perhaps was his last
attack. He said, "I fear him no more, God will protect me; I feel more
tranquil, I will not yield." We told him what he must do in future. He
answered, "I hope and trust it will go well." He thanked us very much
and added, "Friends, you are the cause that I still live and of my
preservation." We told him it was God to whom he must give the honor
and thank for His grace and mercy; and that we would perhaps call the
next day, if we did not leave, at which he was glad. We wanted to give
a strong admonition to his wife and children, for they had great need
of it, and in order that a greater impression might be made upon them
by this circumstance. Returning home, we were affected by the grace of
God towards a poor sinner, who truly told us things from the bottom of
his heart which were from God and His Spirit, according to His word
and our experience. In leaving we told his wife how she must keep her
eye on him, and conduct herself towards him.

[Footnote 324: "You do not know that the devil has taken possession of
our poor man."]

[Footnote 325: "Woman of pretended piety."]

_17th, Wednesday._ We went to inquire whether the boat was going up
the river to-day, but it could not be got ready. In the afternoon we
went to visit Theunis again, whom we found at home quiet and calm. He
received us kindly, and we asked him how he was. "Very well," he said,
"I am as much relieved as if I had a great burden taken from my
shoulders." He had rested well during the night. We praised God, and
exhorted him to perseverance, and to trust in Him. "Trust in Him," he
said. "I know as well that I am a child of God as that I stand here,
and I have no fear of the devil any more. I know he can trouble me,
but he shall no longer have power over me." We told him he must take
care of his affairs, and work when he felt inclined. "Work," he said,
"I have no more work. It is as if it were Sunday. I know that the
cattle must be taken care of and other things must be done, but that
concerns me not. I have no work, and will not work again as I have
done before. God will take care of me." We admonished him that he
himself and his whole family ought to go learn and be reformed. "That
I will do," he replied, "if it please God, and if she will only listen
and learn; but if she will not I cannot help it." We read to him some
portions of scripture, as Matt. v. 6, John xvi. 17, Matt. vii. 8, of
the carefulness of the world, by which he found himself comforted, and
promised he would avoid the world as much as he could, and wished he
could fulfill his inclination and go and live alone in the woods, away
from wicked men, for it was impossible to live near them and not sin
as they do. "Could I only go up the river," said he, "with you and
everywhere you go! Oh, that I were a young man; I would not leave
you." You could see that he spoke with earnestness and from the
uprightness of his soul.

_19th, Friday._ We had been several times for our passport, which we
supposed would be a special one granted by his Excellency to us, but
in that we were mistaken. Our names were merely added to the common
passport to go up and down the river, as the names of all the
passengers were written on it. We left New York about three o'clock in
the afternoon with a southerly wind, in company with about twenty
passengers of all kinds, young and old, who made great noise and
bustle in a boat not so large as a common ferry-boat in Holland; and
as these people live in the interior of the country somewhat nearer
the Indians, they are more wild and untamed, reckless, unrestrained,
haughty, and more addicted to misusing the blessed name of God and to
cursing and swearing. However there was no help for it; you have to go
with those with whom you are shipped. We were scarcely in the North
River when we saw a ship coming through the Narrows, but as it was so
far off we could not discern what vessel it was. Each passenger had
his own opinion on the subject. After we had sailed along for half an
hour we heard five or six guns fired from the fort and otherwise,
which was a proof that she was from sea. As we were sailing along a
boat came up to us but lost her mast in boarding us. She was to the
leeward and we were sailing before the wind with a good headway. She
came too near our yard-arm, which carried away her mast, and it was
lucky she was not upset. They put on board some tons of oysters, which
are not to be found at Fort Albany or away from salt water. In passing
Sapocanike we saw Theunis standing upon an eminence where he was busy
ploughing, and observing us as long as he could. We made rapid
progress, but with the night the wind slackened, and we were compelled
to come to anchor in order to stem the tide.

_20th, Saturday._ When the day broke we saw how far we had advanced.
We were at the entrance of the Highlands, which are high and rocky,
and lie on both sides of the river. While waiting there for the tide
and wind another boat came alongside of us. They had a very fine fish,
a striped bass, as large as a codfish. The skipper was a son-in-law of
D. Schaets, the minister at Albany, a drunken, worthless person who
could not keep house with his wife, who was not much better than he,
nor was his father-in-law. He had been away from his wife five or six
years, and was now going after her.[326] The wind coming out of the
south about nine o'clock we weighed anchor, and got under sail. It
gradually increased until we had drifted through the Highlands, which
is regarded as no small advantage whenever they wish to sail up or
down the river; because, if they do not have a fresh breeze aft, they
cannot have much favorable wind, as in blowing crosswise over the
Highlands it blows above the vessel, and sometimes comes down in
whirlwinds which are dangerous. In the evening we sailed before the
Hysopus, where some of the passengers desired to be put ashore, but it
blew too hard and we had too much headway. It did not seem to be very
important. In consequence of the river above the Hysopus being
difficult to navigate, and beset with shoals and passages, and of the
weather being rainy with no moon, we could not proceed without
continual danger of running aground, and so came to anchor.

[Footnote 326: Domine Schaets's son-in-law was Thomas Davidtse Kekebel
or Kieckebuls. His wife had been sent away from Albany by the
magistrates. In 1681 she and her husband came into a final concord;
_Doc. Hist. N.Y._, quarto ed., III. 534.]

_21st, Easter Sunday._ The wind was against us and calm, but we
advanced as far as the Noorman's Kill,[327] where we were compelled to
come to anchor, on account of the strong current running down the
river. We went ashore here to walk about a little. There are two high
falls on this kill, where the beautiful green water comes falling over
incessantly, in a manner wonderful to behold, when you consider the
power, wisdom, and directions of God. The water was the greenest I had
observed, not only on the South River, but in all New Netherland.
Leaving the cause of it for further inquiry, I mention it merely in
passing. At the falls on this river stands a fine saw-mill which has
wood enough to saw. The man who lives there, although not the mildest,
treated us nevertheless reasonably well. He set before us shad which
had been caught the day before, and was very good, better, we thought,
than the same fish in Fatherland. I observed along the shore, trees
which they call in Holland the tree of life, such as we have in our
garden,[328] but they grow here beautiful and large, like firs. I
picked up a small stone in which there was some crystal, and you could
see how the crystal was formed in the stone.

[Footnote 327: Cats Kill. The falls alluded to are the Kaaterskill

[Footnote 328: The garden of the Thetinga State, the manor-house at
Wieuwert. The tree is the arbor-vitæ.]

A breeze springing up from the south caused us to hurry on board the
yacht, which we saw was making sail. We reached her after a good time
of hard rowing, and were quite tired before we did so. The breeze did
not continue a long time, and we came to anchor again. After several
stoppages we proceeded to-day as far as Kinderhook.

_22d, Monday._ We had again this morning a southerly breeze, which
carried us slowly along until noon, when we came to anchor before the
_Fuyck_, and Fort Albany or Orange.[329] Every one stepped ashore at
once, but we did not know where to go. We first thought of taking
lodgings with our skipper, but we had been warned that his house was
unregulated and poorly kept. M. van Cleif, wishing to do us a
kindness, had given us a letter of recommendation to Mr. Robert
Sanders,[330] and M. de la Grange had also presented us to the same
friend. We went ashore just as preaching was over, to deliver our
letter. This person, as soon as he saw us at his house, was pleased
and received us with every attention, and so did all his family,
giving us a chamber for our accommodation. We did not remain his
debtors in heartily serving him in what was necessary, whether by
instruction, admonition or reproof, which he always received kindly,
as it seemed, promising himself as well as all his family to reform,
which was quite necessary.

[Footnote 329: The _fuyck_ is a hoop-net used for catching fish. Its
shape is that of a truncated cone. The ground-plan of Albany (see p.
216, _post_, and the plan of 1695 in Rev. John Miller's _Description
of New York_) had that shape.]

[Footnote 330: Robert Sanders of Albany was a prominent Indian trader,
skilled in Indian languages.]

_23d, Tuesday._ Mr. Sanders having provided us with horses, we rode
out about nine o'clock to visit the Cahoos, which is the falls of the
great Maquaas Kill,[331] which are the greatest falls, not only in New
Netherland, but in North America, and perhaps, as far as is known, in
the whole New World.[332] We rode for two hours over beautiful, level,
tillable land along the river, when we obtained a guide who was better
acquainted with the road through the woods. He rode before us on
horseback. In approaching the Cahoos from this direction, the roads
are hilly, and in the course of half an hour you have steep hills,
deep valleys, and narrow paths, which run round the precipices, where
you must ride with care, in order to avoid the danger of falling over
them, as sometimes happens. As you come near the falls, you can hear
the roaring which makes everything tremble, but on reaching them and
looking at them you see something wonderful, a great manifestation of
God's power and sovereignty, of His wisdom and glory. We arrived there
about noon. They are on one of the two branches into which the North
River is divided up above, of almost equal size. This one turns to
the west out of the high land, and coming here finds a blue rock which
has a steep side, as long as the river is broad, which according to my
calculation is two hundred paces or more, and rather more than less,
and about one hundred feet high.[333] The river has more water at one
time than another; and was now about six or eight feet deep. All this
volume of water coming on this side fell headlong upon a stony bottom,
this distance of an hundred feet. Any one may judge whether that was
not a spectacle, and whether it would not make a noise. There is a
continual spray thrown up by the dashing of the water, and when the
sun shines the figure of a rainbow may be seen through it. Sometimes
there are two or three of them to be seen, one above the other,
according to the brightness of the sun and its parallax. There was now
more water than usual in consequence of its having rained hard for
several days, and the snow water having begun to run down from the
high land.

[Footnote 331: Mohawk River.]

[Footnote 332: The falls of Niagara had been mentioned by Cartier and
by Champlain, but the first full description of them, that of Hennepin
in his _Description de la Louisiane_, was not published till 1683.]

[Footnote 333: The falls at Cohoes are at present about 900 feet broad
and 75 feet high.]

On our return we stopped at the house of our guide, whom we had taken
on the way up, where there were some families of Indians living.
Seeing us, they said to each other, "Look, these are certainly real
Dutchmen, actual Hollanders." Robert Sanders asked them how they knew
it. We see it, they said, in their faces and in their dress. "Yes,"
said one, "they have the clothes of real Hollanders; they look like
brothers." They brought us some ground-nuts, but although the Dutch
call them so, they were in fact potatoes, for of ground-nuts, or _mice
with tails_,[334] there are also plenty. They cooked them, and gave us
some to eat, which we did. There was a canoe made of the bark of
trees, and the Indians have many of them for the purpose of making
their journeys. It was fifteen or sixteen feet or more in length. It
was so light that two men could easily carry it, as the Indians do in
going from one stream or lake to another. They come in such canoes
from Canada, and from places so distant we know not where. Four or
five of them stepped into this one and rowed lustily through the water
with great speed, and when they came back with the current they seemed
to fly. They did this to amuse us at the request of Mr. Sanders.
Leaving there for home, we came again to the house of one Fredrick
Pieters,[335] where we had stopped in riding out. He is one of the
principal men of Albany, and this was his farm; he possesses good
information and judgment. My comrade had some conversation with him.
He expected us, and now entertained us well. My comrade was in pain
from eating the ground-nuts. On arriving home in the evening, the
house was full of people, attracted there out of curiosity, as is
usually the case in small towns, where every one in particular knows
what happens in the whole place.

[Footnote 334: Peanuts.]

[Footnote 335: No Frederick Pieters seems to be known. It was perhaps
Philip Pieterse Schuyler, progenitor of a distinguished family, who
lived on a large farm at the flats below West Troy.]

_24th, Wednesday._ My comrade's pain continued through the night,
although he had taken his usual medicine, and he thought he would
become better by riding on horseback. The horses were got ready, and
we left about eight o'clock for Schoonechtendeel,[336] a place lying
about twenty-four miles west or northwest of Albany towards the
country of the Mohawks. We rode over a fine, sandy cart road through
woods of nothing but beautiful evergreens or fir trees, but a light
and barren soil. My companion grew worse instead of better. It was
noon when we reached there, and arrived at the house of a good friend
of Robert Sanders. As soon as we entered my comrade had to go and lie
down. He had a high fever, and was covered up warm. I went with
Sanders to one Adam,[337] and to examine the flats which are
exceedingly rich land. I spoke to several persons of the Christian
life, each one according to his state and as it was fit.

[Footnote 336: Schenectady, of which Danckaerts tried to make Dutch
words, _quasi_ "beautiful section."]

[Footnote 337: Probably Adam Vrooman, who at the time of the general
massacre by the Indians, 1690, defended his house with great courage
and success.]

_25th, Thursday._ We had thought of riding a little further on, and so
back to Albany; but my comrade was too sick, and had the chills and
fever again. The weather, too, was windy and rainy. We concluded
therefore to postpone it till the following day; and in the meantime I
accompanied Sanders to the before mentioned Adam's. While we were
there, a certain Indian woman, or half-breed, that is, from a European
and an Indian woman, came with a little boy, her child, who was dumb,
or whose tongue had grown fast. It was about four years old; she had
heard we were there, and came to ask whether we knew of any advice for
her child, or whether we could not do a little something to cure it.
We informed her we were not doctors or surgeons, but we gave her our
opinion, just as we thought.[338] Sanders told me aside that she was a
Christian, that is, had left the Indians, and had been taught by the
Christians and baptized; that she had made profession of the reformed
religion, and was not of the unjust. Not contenting myself with this
account, and observing something in her that pleased me, I asked her
to relate to me herself how it had gone with her from the first of her
coming to Christendom, both outwardly and inwardly. Looking at me she
said, "How glad am I that I am so fortunate; that God should permit me
to behold such Christians, whom I have so long desired to see, and to
whom I may speak from the bottom of my heart without fear; and that
there are such Christians in the world. How often have I asked myself,
are there no other Christians than those amongst whom we live, who are
so godless and lead worse lives than the Indians, and yet have such a
pure and holy religion? Now I see God thinks of us, and has sent you
from the other end of the world to speak to us." She had heard me give
reasons to the others, and address them generally, before I made this
request of her. I answered, that all who professed the Christian
religion did not live as that religion required, that such were false
professors, and not Christians, bearing the name only, but denying the
truth. She had said all this with a tender and affectionate heart, and
with many tears, but tears which you felt proceeded from the heart,
and from love towards God. I was surprised to find so far in the
woods, and among Indians--but why say among Indians? among Christians
ten times worse than Indians--a person who should address me with such
affection and love of God; but I answered and comforted her. She then
related to me from the beginning her case, that is, how she had
embraced Christianity. She was born of a Christian father and an
Indian mother, of the Mohawk tribes. Her mother remained in the
country, and lived among the Mohawks, and she lived with her, the same
as Indians live together. Her mother would never listen to anything
about the Christians, or it was against her heart, from an inward,
unfounded hate. She lived then with her mother and brothers and
sisters; but sometimes she went with her mother among the Christians
to trade and make purchases, or the Christians came among them, and
thus it was that some Christians took a fancy to the girl, discovering
in her more resemblance to the Christians than the Indians, but
understand, more like the Dutch, and that she was not so wild as the
other children. They therefore wished to take the girl and bring her
up, which the mother would not hear to, and as this request was made
repeatedly, she said she would rather kill her. The little daughter
herself had no disposition at first to go; and the mother did nothing
more with the daughter than express continually her detestation and
abhorrence of the Christians. This happened several times, when the
daughter began to mistrust that the Christians were not such as the
mother told her; the more so, because she never went among them
without being well treated, and obtaining something or other. She
therefore began to hearken to them; but particularly she felt a great
inclination and love in her heart towards those Christians who spoke
to her about God, and of Christ Jesus and the Christian religion. Her
mother observed it, and began to hate her and not treat her as well as
she had done before. Her brothers and sisters despised and cursed her,
threw stones at her, and did her all the wrong they could; but the
more they abused and maltreated her, the more she felt something
growing in her that attracted and impelled her towards the Christians
and their doctrine, until her mother and the others could endure her
no longer; while she, feeling her love of the Christians, and
especially of their religion, which she called their doctrine, to
increase more and more, could no longer live with the Indians. They
ceased not seeking to wrong her, and compelled her to leave them, as
she did, and went to those who had so long solicited her. They gave
her the name of Eltie or Illetie.[339] She lived a long time with a
woman, with whom we conversed afterwards, who taught her to read and
write and do various handiwork, in which she advanced so greatly that
everybody was astonished. She had especially a great desire to learn
to read, and applied herself to that end day and night, and asked
others, who were near her, to the vexation and annoyance of the other
maids, who lived with her, who could sometimes with difficulty keep
her back. But that did not restrain her; she felt such an eagerness
and desire to learn that she could not be withheld, particularly when
she began to understand the Dutch language, and what was expressed in
the New Testament, where her whole heart was. In a short time,
therefore, she understood more about it than the other girls with whom
she conversed, and who had first instructed her, and, particularly,
was sensible in her heart of its truth. She had lived with different
people, and had very much improved; she spoke of it with heart-felt
delight. Finally, she made her profession, and was baptized.[340]
Since that time, she said, the love she felt in her heart had not
diminished, but had increased, and she sighed to live near Christians,
who were good and faithful, and lived up to their religion. Therefore
it was that she was so glad to see us, and that God, who had so loved
her before, still so loved her as to permit her to see and speak to
us, "_me_," she said, "who have been such a heathen." I told her that
God had showed her still more love, as she well knew. She believed it,
she said, melting into tears, but she could not express her heart.
"Might I only live with such people, how would my heart do good."
"Blessed are they who hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they
shall be satisfied," I repeated to her, and further expressed what was
necessary. "How many times," said she, "have I grieved over these
Christians, not daring to speak out my heart to any one, for when I
would sometimes rebuke them a little for their evil lives,
drunkenness, and foul and godless language, they would immediately
say: 'Well, how is this, there is a sow converted. Run, boys, to the
brewer's, and bring some swill for a converted sow,' words which went
through my heart, made me sorrowful and closed my mouth. But I see
that God still thinks of me and loves me, now that he causes me to see
and converse with such people as you." We told her she must so much
the more receive with love and affection what we said to her, out of
regard to God and her soul. "Oh!" said she, "what you have told me is
as dear to me as my heart," and she spoke with such feeling and
tenderness, such depth of love, that I cannot describe it, and it
affected me. Yes, she expressed to me more reality of the truth of
Christianity, through the emotions of her heart, although in language
according to the genius of the person, which nevertheless was nothing
but loving--more, I said, than any one, whether minister or other
person, in all New Netherland. She had a brother who was also a
half-breed, who had made profession of Christianity, and had been
baptized, and who was not by far as good as she, but on the contrary
very wicked; though, I believe, he has been better, and has been
corrupted by the conversation of impious Hollanders; for this place is
a godless one, being without a minister, and having only a homily read
on Sundays.[341] He was married, and so was she. She has some
children; her husband is not as good as she is, though he is not one
of the worst; she sets a good example before him, and knows how to
direct him.

[Footnote 338: But it appears from the report of a physician and
several surgeons, printed in _Ecclesiastical Records of New York_, II.
869-871, that in 1683 "Dr. Vorstman" (Peter Sluyter) attempted to
practise medicine, and with disastrous results.]

[Footnote 339: Aletta.]

[Footnote 340: The record of baptisms of the Dutch church at
Schenectady does not begin till 1694.]

[Footnote 341: There was a church, and Domine Gideon Schaets came over
from Albany four times a year to administer the sacrament, but there
was no settled minister till the call of Domine Petrus Tesschenmaker
in 1684.]

She has a nephew, a full-blooded Mohawk, named Wouter. The Lord has
also touched him, through her instrumentality. Wouter speaks no Dutch,
or very little. He has abandoned all the Indians, and his Indian
friends and relations, and lives with his uncle, the brother of
Illetie. He has betaken himself entirely to the Christians and dresses
like them. He has suffered much from the other Indians and his
friends. He has such a love and comprehension of God, such reverence
and humility towards Him and what is godly, that it is a joy to hear
him speak. His thoughts are occupied night and day with God and Jesus
Christ, wondering about God and His mercy, that he should cause him to
know Him, to comprehend Him, and to serve Him. He is endeavoring to
learn the Dutch language, so as to be instructed in Christianity, and
to be among good Christians who live like Christians. That was all his
desire, thinking all the time about it, speaking always with Illetie
about it, who assisted and instructed him as much as she could, and
always with love, with which God much blessed her. His uncle, with
whom he lived, was covetous, and kept him only because he was
profitable to him in hunting beaver. He therefore would hardly speak a
word of Dutch to him, in order that he might not be able to leave him
too soon, and go among the Christians and under Christianity. He sent
him to the woods and among the Indians, for the sake of the devilish
profit of the world--these are the words of Robert Sanders, and
Illetie said not much less; yet this poor creature has, nevertheless,
such a great inclination and longing after Christianity.

Besides this inward desire, propensity and feeling, God, the Lord, has
given him outward proofs of His love and protection, and among other
instances I will relate these two which I well remember. It happened
once that his uncle went out a shooting with him in the woods, when
the uncle began to sneer at him, saying that he, a mere stupid Indian,
could not shoot, but a Christian was a different character and was
expert and handy: that he, Wouter, would not shoot anything that day,
but he himself would have a good hunt. To which Wouter replied, "It is
well, I cannot help it; I will have whatever God sends me." Upon this
they separated from each other in the woods, and each went where he
thought best. "Now when I was tired out," said Wouter, for we heard it
from himself, as well as from his aunt, "and had travelled and hunted
the whole day without finding any game, with the evening approaching,
grieved that I had shot nothing and troubled at the reproach of my
uncle, my heart looked up to God; I fell upon my knees and prayed to
Him, that although I was no Christian (he meant baptized), I loved
God, and only longed to learn the language in order to be instructed
in Christianity, and would receive it with my whole heart; that God
would be pleased to send to me a wild animal to shoot, so that the
slur, which my uncle had thrown upon me, might be wiped off." While
thus down on his knees, with his hat hanging upon a bough which was
bent down,[342] his prayer not finished, there comes and stands before
him a very young deer, not twenty paces off; it comes softly up to
him; his gun rests alongside of him loaded; he takes aim, shoots, and
hits the deer in the breast, and the creature drops before him on its
two fore feet and there remains. Without going to the deer, he thanks
God upon his knees that he had heard his prayer and had turned back
the reproach. "Oh," said he, "now do I know there is a God, who is in
the woods also, and hears, loves, and thinks of me there." He comes to
the deer, which is a young buck two or three years old, as fat and
beautiful as he had ever seen in his life, and takes it upon his
shoulders and goes with joy to his uncle, whom he found, and asked
where was his good hunt and the game he had shot. His uncle was angry
and spoke angrily, saying he had been going the whole day, tired and
weary, without seeing or shooting anything, and had come there to look
after chestnuts. "That is well, that is good," said Wouter, "reproach
the Indians no more for not being good shooters. Look at what God has
given me upon my prayer;" for he was very glad at what had occurred.
The uncle stood and looked, and knew not what to say, being ashamed at
what he heard and saw, and of himself. Wouter said further, "I know
there has been no wild animal round about here, for I have explored
the whole place, far and near, without being able to discover any; and
now in so short a time this one presented itself before me, and it is,
therefore, certain that God placed it there or caused it to come
there. I have no doubt of it." Although the uncle was ashamed, he was
not much affected by the circumstance, and still less humiliated or
improved. But Elletie had taken it strongly to heart, and when they
both told it to us, we were affected by it ourselves, and saw God in
it more than he had done.

[Footnote 342: Methinks he was moved by seeing this bended branch, to
bend himself before God, and therefore hung his hat upon it; though I
dare not so affirm certainly.--_Note of the journalist._]

Another occasion was during the last harvest, in the year 1679, while
he was out in the woods hunting beavers. He had then had a successful
time and had killed some beavers, the flesh of which he used for food,
and had nothing else to eat. The flesh of the beaver, although we
never relished it, is esteemed by others a great delicacy.
Nevertheless, as we have been told by those who are well acquainted
with it, it is a kind of food with which they soon become satiated. He
also became tired of it; and not having anything else became sad. He
felt his heart boil--this is his own expression--and fell down upon
his knees and prayed that God who had heard before, might be pleased
now again to hear him and give him other food, not so much to satisfy
him, as to show that he was God and loved him--a God whom the Indians
did not know, but for whom he felt he had a greater hunger than his
hunger for outward food, or for what the Indians usually were
satisfied with, which is beaver and beaver meat, that is, to hunt
successfully and trade the skins, which is all they go out hunting
for; but that he felt something else, a hunger which could not be
satisfied with this food and such like; that he felt more hunger after
other food than what the Indians satisfied themselves with; and sought
to be a Christian, and no longer to be an Indian.

While in the midst of his prayer, there stood a fine deer before him,
which he aimed at and felled at one shot. He quickly loaded his gun
again, and had scarcely done so, when he saw close to him a young
buffalo. He levelled his gun and brought it down; but on running up to
it, he came to himself, his heart was disturbed, and he became anxious
and ashamed in considering his covetousness, that he had not thanked
God for the first small animal; so that he could go no further from
joy and fear. He fell upon his knees before God, in great humility,
shame, and reverence, confessing his fault and his want of gratitude,
praying God to forgive him, and thanking Him now for both; saying that
through his unthankfulness for the first one, he was not worthy to
have the second and larger one.

This may be believed as the true meaning and almost the very words of
the Indian, for they were repeated to us from him in his presence,
Illetie, who first told us, interpreting after him in the presence of
five or six persons who were well versed in the Mohawk language, and
bore testimony that he said what she interpreted, and that it was not

Thus continuing to long after something which he did not have, and
being yet in the woods returning home, he came to a bush which was
growing in the shape of a man's hand, and which he stopped to look at
and speculate upon. He wondered at it, and his heart was disturbed and
began to _boil_. He fell down upon his knees by the bush, striking his
hands into it, and prayed: "Oh God! you cause to come before me a sign
or image of what I want and for which I hunger and long. It is true I
have two hands with which I hunt and shoot and do other things, but I
feel I still require a hand to help me, more serviceable than those I
have and use, and stronger and wiser than mine. I am in want of a
third hand. It is true I have forsaken the Indians and have come among
Christians, but this cannot help me unless a third power make me a
true Christian, and enable me to learn the language, that I may
inquire, read, and enter into the grounds of Christianity." This he
did with great tenderness and love; and being so much affected, he cut
off the bush and took it with him in remembrance of his feelings and
the outpouring of his heart to God, more than for the rarity of the
figure in which it had grown. This stick or bush we have seen
ourselves and had in our hands. He presented it to Robert Sanders, who
carried it to Albany.

His aunt, Illetie, had taught him as well as she could, how he must
pray, which she recommended to him to do every time he returned home,
morning or evening, or on any other occasion which might happen to
him, which he always did with concern and anxiety of heart. He always
rejoiced at the proofs of God's [care] over him, and was sorry that he
could not improve them, hoping and believing that God would yet give
him what he still wanted and hungered after. I asked Illetie, who
first told me all this, why they did not take him to some place where
he could learn the language, and some handiwork, with reading and
writing and the like, and especially where he might be brought to the
knowledge and practice of Christianity. She said there were two
impediments, first his uncle, whom we have mentioned, who only kept
him as a kind of servant, such as the English have, for the sake of
vile gain; and, although he was free, and bound to nobody, would never
speak a word of Dutch to him, so that he might not lose him. The other
difficulty was, that as he was of age, 24 or 26 years old, or
thereabouts, no one would receive him for his board and clothing,
fearful he would not learn the one or other handiwork, and would
therefore be a loss to them. Whereupon I said if he would go with us
we would give him board and clothing for all his life, and he should
never be our servant or slave, and would be free and clear of all
obligation; and if God should give him further the grace he would be
our brother and as free as we were. "Oh," said she, "how happy he
would be if he should be so fortunate, and God so honored him, as I
must shame myself for the honor and happiness He causes me in enabling
me to speak with you about these things." I spoke to her further what
I thought would serve for her edification and consolation; and told
her as my comrade was sick and not able to go out, and the weather was
too rainy, she must come to us in the evening, and bring Wouter with
her, that we might see him, and converse with him.

I thereupon went home and told my comrade my adventure, who was
rejoiced at it, and would expect her in the evening. Meanwhile he had
become stronger. The parish prelector,[343] who is the son of minister
Schaets, came to visit my comrade, and said he had heard of us, and
had been desirous to converse with us. He was a little conceited, but
my comrade having heard that he was the prelector, gave him a good
lesson, at which he was not badly content, and with which he went

[Footnote 343: Parish clerk and lay reader. This was Reynier Schaets,
chirurgeon and justice of the peace, killed in the massacre of 1690.]

When evening came, so came Illetie with her husband, and Wouter, and
Adam and his wife, with two or three others besides. We conversed
together through Illetie, who interpreted to him from us, and to us
from him, and he himself repeated all that Illetie had told me, as
before related. We spoke to him from the bottom of our hearts, and he
to us from the bottom of his heart and out of love to us. We exhorted,
encouraged, and comforted him as much as he required, and his
condition would permit. He thanked us with tenderness, that God had
vouchsafed to cause him to see and speak with true Christians, with
people whom he had so longed for, and with whom he wished to spend his
life. "What would you be willing to give to do so?" my comrade asked.
"Oh," said he, "all that I have in the world, and more if I had it, or
it were in my power." We told him he must leave it to God's liberty,
who would do what he pleased, would hear him, and release him when his
time should come. After several episodes, we inquired of him what was
his greatest wish and desire, his greatest hunger and strongest
longing. "I know not justly what it is," he replied, "but I am like a
person who has three knives or some other articles which are valuable,
useful, and necessary, but has lost the one he has most need of, or
is the most serviceable and necessary, and without which the others
are of little service. Thus I have forsaken my relatives, and all my
friends, my nation and country, which is good, and that is one of the
articles. Moreover, I have come among Christians, and Dutch, and begun
to know something of God, and that also is good, and is the second
one. But I am wanting something more than these, and without which
they are of no service to me, namely, a knowledge of the Dutch
language, ability to enter into the grounds of Christianity, and
become a good Christian." We encouraged him, and assured him of the
way of the Lord, that God would hear his prayer, and fulfill his
desire, according to the words of the Lord Jesus: "Blessed are they
who hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall be
satisfied." "Oh," said he to Illetie, "how I love people who speak so
kindly and mildly, and know how to utter such sweet and beautiful
comparisons. Oh, what love I have for them!"

After we had addressed him and her, earnestly and in love, and also
the bystanders, to their shame and conviction, for their godless
lives, whereby they repelled the heathen and wronged such as began to
be drawn [to God] like these, and as having a terrible judgment to
expect which they could not escape, Illetie said, yes, there were many
Mohawk Indians, who, if they were taught, as they seek to be, and had
good examples set before them by the Christians, by their lives, and
were not so deceived and cheated by the Christians who ought to assist
them, would listen; but now they were repulsed, and the Jesuits who
were among them, and whom Wouter had heard preach several times in his
own language, corrupted them all. Having said all that was proper to
them at this time, we invoked upon them the blessing of God.

_26th, Friday._ Wouter was early at our house, in order to assist in
getting the horses ready. My comrade finding himself better, but still
weak, we determined to leave, two of us on horseback and he in a wagon
belonging at Albany, which we had the good fortune of meeting at
Schoonechten, and in which he could ride over a very comfortable road.
It had frozen quite hard during the night, but when the sun rose a
little, it became warm enough, especially in the woods, where the
wind, which was northwest, could not blow through. I went to take my
leave of several persons with whom I had conversed, and also of
Illetie, consoling and strengthening her once more and committing her
to God and His grace, and she leaving us with tenderness and many
tears. At a place where we were taking our leave, the uncle of Wouter
had come, who commenced saying in very good Dutch: "Well, gentlemen, I
understand Wouter is going to Holland with you." We answered, we did
not know it, nor had we thought of it, but nevertheless our hearts
were good and tender enough to help him, both body and soul, in
whatever the Lord had wrought in him, or should work in him, as far as
we could, which we considered to be our duty, and not only our duty,
but the duty of all Christians. If he wished to go to Holland, we
would not prevent him, because any person who is free may go there if
he chooses; and if he wished to go with us in the same ship in which
we should go over, he was free and might act his mind; yes, if he
wished to be in our company we should not be able to hinder him, and
while he was free no one could prevent him, or ought to, but on the
other hand should aid him; especially as all who bore the name of
Christians ought to assist in bringing to Christ any one who hungered
and thirsted after him as Wouter did. "Well," he asked, without any
feeling, "what trade would you teach him?" "Whatever God wished," we
answered. "And if he should be taken by the Turks," he continued, "who
would be his security, and who would redeem him?" "Well," we asked,
"if we were taken by the Turks who would be our security and redeem
us? God gives no security and makes no agreement. Whoever wishes to be
a Christian must believe and trust in Him, and follow Him in faith,
and so must you, and I, and every one, who wishes to be a Christian."
Some hard words passed also between Robert Sanders and him, about
something relating to himself, namely, that Sanders had said the uncle
only sought to keep Wouter on account of the profit to him. As the
time called us to depart, we took our leave and left him standing
there abashed. Having mounted our horses and entered the wagon, we
rode from there about ten o'clock, over a smooth sandy road, and
arrived at half-past three at Albany, or Fort Orange, where Sanders's
wife was glad to see us, and where we were well received by his whole

This Schoonechtendeel is situated, as we have said, twenty-four miles
west of Fort Albany, toward the country of the Mohawks, upon a good
flat, high enough to be free from the overflowing of the water of the
river, which sometimes overflows their cultivated lands which lie much
lower. Their cultivated lands are not what they call in that country
_valleyen_, but large flats between the hills, on the margin or along
the side of the rivers, brooks or creeks, very flat and level, without
a single tree or bush upon them, of a black sandy soil which is four
and sometimes five or six feet deep, but sometimes less, which can
hardly be exhausted. They cultivate it year after year, without
manure, for many years. It yields large crops of wheat, but not so
good as that raised in the woodland around the city of [New] York and
elsewhere, nor so productively: the latter on the other hand produce a
smaller quantity, but a whiter flour. The wheat which comes from this
place, the Hysopus, and some other places is a little bluer. Much of
the plant called dragon's blood grows about here, and also yearly a
kind of small lemon or citron, of which a single one grows upon a
bush. This bush grows about five feet high, and the fruit cannot be
distinguished from any other citron in form, color, taste or quality.
It grows wild about the city of New York, but not well. I have not
heard of its growing in any other places.

The village proper of Schoon echten [Schenectady], is a square, set
off by palisades. There may be about thirty houses, and it is situated
on the side of the Maquas Kill [Mohawk River], a stream however they
cannot use for carrying goods up or down in yachts or boats.[344]
There are no fish in it except trout, sunfish, and other kinds
peculiar to rivers, because the Cohoes stops the ascent of others,
which is a great inconvenience for the _menage_ and for bringing down
the produce.

[Footnote 344: The form of Schenectady a few years later is shown in
the map in Miller's _New York_ (1695).]

As soon as we arrived in Albany we went to our skipper Meus Hoogboom,
to inquire when he was going to the city. He said to-morrow, but he
said he would come and notify us of the time. We saw it would run on a
much longer time, as it usually does in these parts.

_27th, Saturday._ We went to call upon a certain Madam Rentselaer,
widow of the Heer Rentselaer, son of the Heer Rentselaer of the colony
named the colony of Rentselaerswyck, comprising twelve miles square
from Fort Orange, that is, twenty-four miles square in all. She is
still in possession of the place, and still administers it as
_patroonesse_, until one Richard van Rentselaer, residing at
Amsterdam, shall arrive in the country, whom she expected in the
summer, when he would assume the management of it himself. This lady
was polite, quite well informed, and of good life and disposition.[345]
She had experienced several proofs of the Lord. The breaking up of the
ice had once carried away her entire mansion, and every thing
connected with it, of which place she had made too much account. Also,
in some visitations of her husband, death, and others before. In her
last child-bed, she became lame or weak in both of her sides, so that
she had to walk with two canes or crutches. In all these trials, she
had borne herself well, and God left not Himself without witness in
her. She treated us kindly, and we ate here exceedingly good pike,
perch, and other fish, which now began to come and be caught in great
numbers. We had several conversations with her about the truth, and
practical religion, mutually satisfactory. We went to look at several
of her mills at work, which she had there on an ever-running stream,
grist-mills, saw-mills, and others. One of the grist-mills can grind
120 schepels[346] of meal in twenty-four hours, that is, five an hour.
Returning to the house, we politely took our leave. Her residence is
about a quarter of an hour from Albany up the river. This day we went
to visit still other farms and milling establishments on the other
side of the river, where there was a water-fall but not large,
sufficient to keep about three mills going. This is indeed, I think,
the highest that I have seen.

[Footnote 345: The patroonship of Rensselaerswyck was founded in 1630
by Kiliaen van Rensselaer of Amsterdam. It was a great manorial
estate, extending along the west bank of the Hudson from Beeren Island
to the Mohawk and running so far back from the river as to embrace
about the same area as the present Albany County, though Albany itself
was not a part of it. The first patroon had died in 1646, the second,
his oldest son Johannes, had also died, and the present heir was the
latter's son Kiliaen. The lady here described was Maria, the widow of
Jeremias van Rensselaer, the original patroon's third son, who had
ruled the colony from 1658 to 1674. She was a daughter of Oloff
Stevensz van Cortlandt, and lived till 1689. Her husband's youngest
brother Richard had lived at the colony from 1652 to 1672, but was now
in Holland, treasurer of Vianen, and never came to America again.]

[Footnote 346: Ninety bushels.]

_28th, Sunday._ We went to church in the morning, and heard Domine
Schaets preach, who, although he is a poor, old, ignorant person, and
besides is not of good life, yet had to give utterance to his passion,
having taken his text largely upon us, at which many of his auditors,
who knew us better, were not well pleased, and blamed, condemned, and
derided him for it, which we corrected.[347]

[Footnote 347: Rev. Gideon Schaets (1608-1694) was minister of
Rensselaerswyck from 1652 to 1657, and of Fort Orange (Beverwyck,
Albany) from 1657 to 1694.]

In the afternoon, we took a walk to an island upon the end of which
there is a fort built, they say, by the Spaniards. That a fort has
been there is evident enough from the earth thrown up and strewn
around, but it is not to be supposed that the Spaniards came so far
inland to build forts, when there are no monuments of them to be seen
elsewhere and down on the sea coasts, where, however, they have been
according to the traditions of the Indians. This spot is a short
hour's distance below Albany, on the west side of the river.[348]

[Footnote 348: With these data may be compared the matter of the
Pompey Stone, found in Pompey, N.Y., and bearing apparently a Spanish
inscription of 1520.]

_29th, Monday._ We should have left to-day, but it was not yet to
happen, for our skipper, so he said, could not obtain his passport. We
called upon several persons, and among others, upon the woman who had
brought up Illetie, the Indian woman, and had first taken her from the
Indians, and to whom we have alluded before. This woman, although not
of openly godless life, is more wise than devout, although her
knowledge is not very extensive, and does not surpass that of the
women of New Netherland. She is a truly worldly woman, proud and
conceited, and sharp in trading with _wild_[349] people, as well as
_tame_ ones, or what shall I call them, not to give them the name of
Christians, or if I do, it is only to distinguish them from the
others. This trading is not carried on without fraud, and she is not
free from it, as I have observed. She has a husband, which is her
second one, and he I believe is a Papist. He remains at home quietly,
while she travels over the country to carry on the trading. In fine
she is one of the Dutch female traders, who understand their business
so well. If these be the persons who are to make Christians of the
heathen, what will the latter be? But God employs such means as
pleases Him to accomplish His purposes. He had given Illetie more
grace than to her, we are very certain.

[Footnote 349: _Wild_, savage, is the word commonly used by the Dutch
of that time to denote the Indians.]

We were also invited to the fort by the Heer commandant, who wished to
see us, but left it to our convenience. We went there with Robert
Sanders, who interpreted for us. This gentleman received us politely.
He said he was pleased to receive us, and to learn how we liked the
lands up above, and made a few such common observations. He seemed to
be not unreasonable, and a reliable person. If he was not a Scotchman,
he seemed nevertheless to be a good Englishman, and, as we thought, a
Presbyterian. We soon took a friendly leave, and returned home.

We spoke seriously to Robert Sanders about his pride, arrogance,
temper, and passion, although according to the world's reputation he
is not of bad character. His wife is more simple and a better person;
we spoke to her also, as well as to their children, especially to the
oldest, named Elizabeth, who was tender-hearted and affectionate. He
and all of them promised to improve and reform themselves somewhat,
and we saw with consolation that they in some things commenced to do

_30th, Tuesday._ We were ready to leave early, but it ran well on
towards noon, when with a head wind, but a strong current down, we
tacked over to Kinderhoeck, lying on the east shore sixteen miles
below Albany.

Before we quit Albany, we must say a word about the place. It was
formerly named the Fuyck by the Hollanders, who first settled there,
on account of two rows of houses standing there, opposite to each
other, which being wide enough apart in the beginning, finally ran
quite together like a _fuyck_,[350] and, therefore, they gave it this
name, which, although the place is built up, it still bears with many,
especially the Dutch and Indians living about there. It is nearly
square, and lies against the hill, with several good streets, on
which there may be about eighty or ninety houses. Fort Orange,
constructed by the Dutch, lies below on the bank of the river, and is
set off with palisades, filled in with earth on the inside. It is now
abandoned by the English, who have built a similar one behind the
town, high up on the declivity of the hill, from whence it can command
the place. From the other side of this fort the inhabitants have
brought a spring or fountain of water, under the fort, and under
ground into the town, where they now have in several places always
fountains of clear, fresh, cool water. The town is surrounded by
palisades, and has several gates corresponding with the streets. It
has a Dutch Reformed and a Lutheran church. The Lutheran minister
lives up here in the winter, and down in New York in the summer.[351]
There is no English church or place of meeting, to my knowledge. As
this is the principal trading-post with the Indians, and as also they
alone have the privilege of trading, which is only granted to certain
merchants there, as a special benefit, who know what each one must pay
therefor, there are houses or lodges erected on both sides of the
town, where the Indians, who come from the far interior to trade, live
during the time they are there. This time of trading with the Indians
is at its height in the months of June and July, and also in August,
when it falls off; because it is then the best time for them to make
their journeys there and back, as well as because the Hollanders then
have more time outside their farm duties.

[Footnote 350: See p. 198, note 3.]

[Footnote 351: Rev. Bernhardus Arensius had since 1674 ministered to
these two Lutheran congregations, and continued till his death in

We came to anchor at Kinderhook, in order to take in some grain, which
the female trader before mentioned[352] had there to be carried down
the river.

[Footnote 352: Illetje's mistress.]

MAY _1st, Wednesday._ We began early to load, but as it had to come
from some distance in the country, and we had to wait, we stepped
ashore to amuse ourselves. We came to a creek where, near the river,
lives the man whom they usually call the Child of Luxury,[353] because
he formerly had been such an one, but who now was not far from being
the Child of Poverty, for he was situated poorly enough. He had a
saw-mill on the creek, on a water-fall, which is a singular one, for
it is true that all falls have something special, and so had this one,
which was not less rare and pleasant than others. The water fell quite
steep, in one body, but it came down in steps, with a broad rest
sometimes between them. These steps were sixty feet or more high, and
were formed out of a single rock, which is unusual. I reached this
spot alone through the woods, and while I was sitting on the mill, my
comrade came up with the Child of Luxury, who, after he had shown us
the mill and falls, took us down a little to the right of the mill,
under a rock, on the margin of the creek, where we could behold how
wonderful God is even in the most hidden parts of the earth; for we
saw crystal lying in layers between the rocks, and when we rolled away
a piece of the rock, there was, at least on two sides of it, a crust
or bark, about as thick as the breadth of a straw, of a sparkling or
glassy substance, which looked like alabaster, and this crust was full
of points or gems, which were truly gems of crystal, or like
substance. They sparkled brightly, and were as clear as water, and so
close together that you could obtain hundreds of them from one piece
of the crust. We broke some pieces off, and brought them away with us
as curiosities. It is justly to be supposed that other precious stones
rest in the crevices of the rocks and mines as these do. I have seen
this sort of crystal as large and pointed as the joint of a finger. I
saw one, indeed, at the house of Robert Sanders as large as your fist,
though it was not clear, but white, like glassy alabaster. It had what
they call a table point. Robert Sanders has much of this mountain
crystal at his farm, about four miles from Albany, towards the Cahoos,
on the east side of the river, but we have not been there.

[Footnote 353: This was one Frans Pieterse Clauw, who had come out to
Beverwyck (Albany) in 1656.]

On returning to the boat, we saw that the woman-trader had sent a
quantity of bluish wheat on board, which the skipper would not
receive, or rather mix with the other wheat; but when she came she had
it done, in which her dishonesty appeared, for when the skipper
arrived at New York he could not deliver the wheat which was under
hers. We set sail in the evening, and came to Claver Rack,[354]
sixteen miles further down, where we also took in some grain in the

[Footnote 354: "Clover Reach," now Claverack.]

_2d, Thursday._ We were here laden full of grain, which had to be
brought in four miles from the country. The boors who brought it in
wagons asked us to ride out with them to their places, which we did.
We rode along a high ridge of blue rock on the right hand, the top of
which was grown over. This stone is suitable for burning lime, as the
people of the Hysopus, from the same kind, burn the best. Large, clear
fountains flow out of these cliffs or hills, the first real fountains
and only ones which we have met with in this country. We arrived at
the places which consist of fine farms; the tillable land is like that
of Schoonechtendeel, low, flat, and on the side of a creek, very
delightful and pleasant to look upon, especially at the present time,
when they were all green with the wheat coming up. The woodland also
is very good for tillable land, and it was one of the locations which
pleased me most, with its agreeable fountains. Coming back to the
shore, I made a sketch,[355] as well as I could, of the Catskill
mountains, which now showed themselves nakedly, which they did not do
to us when we went up the river. They lie on the west side of the
river, deep in the country, and I stood on the east side of it. In the
evening we obtained a still more distinct view of them.

[Footnote 355: Sketch not preserved.]

_3d, Friday._ We took on board early the rest of our lading. Our
tradress left us here in order to go back to Albany, and we received
two other passengers in her stead, a young man of this place, named
Dirck, to whom we made mention of our crystal. He said they had at his
place a rock, in which there was a yellow, glittering substance like
gold, as they firmly believed it was; he did not know we were there,
otherwise he would have presented us with a specimen. We spoke to him,
as he was a good hearted youth, several times of God and Christ, and
of the Christian life, and each time he was much concerned. Truly we
discover gradually more and more there is here a hunger and thirst
after God, and no one to help them. They go everywhere wandering
without a shepherd, and know not where they shall turn. We also spoke
to the skipper's daughter, a worldly child, who was not affected by
what we said. The Lord will, in His own time, gather together those
who are of His elect.

We sailed from there about nine o'clock, but after going eight or
twelve miles got aground in consequence of our heavy lading, where we
were compelled to remain until four o'clock in the afternoon, waiting
for high water. But what was unfortunate, we missed a fine, fair wind,
which sprang up about eleven o'clock. Meanwhile the passengers went
ashore. I walked a small distance into the country, and came to a fall
of water, the basin of which was full of fish, two of which I caught
with my hands. They were young shad. I went immediately after the
other passengers for assistance to catch more, but when they came,
they made such an agitation of the water, that the fish all shot to
the bottom, and remained there under the rocks. We therefore could
obtain no more; but if we had had a small casting net, we could have
caught them in great numbers, or if I had remained there quiet alone.
But as it was, we had to abandon it. These fish come at high water
from the North River into these little streams, where they find clear,
fresh water, and weeds and herbs. They remain there eating and
sporting, and in the meantime at low water they are left in these
holes or basins, and they are thus caught in great numbers in many of
the streams by the Indians.

The water having risen, and the wind being favorable, we went on
board, and as soon as we were afloat, got under sail. We proceeded
rapidly ahead, and at sundown came to anchor before the Hysopus, where
we landed some passengers who lived there.

_4th, Saturday._ We went ashore early, and further inland to the
village. We found Gerrit the glass-maker there,[356] with his sister.
He it was who desired to come up here in company with us, and he was
now happy to see us. He was engaged putting the glass in their new
church, but left his work to go with us through the country, where he
was better acquainted than we were. We found here exceedingly large
flats, which are more than three hours' ride in length, very level,
with a black soil which yields grain abundantly. They lie like those
at Schoonecte and Claver Rack, between the hills and along the creek,
which sometimes overflows all the land, and drowns and washes out much
of the wheat. The place is square,[357] set off with palisades,
through which there are several gates; it consists of about fifty
houses within the stockade. They were engaged in a severe war with
the Indians during the administration of the Heer Stuyvesant, which is
therefore still called the Hysopus war, partly because it was
occasioned on account of the people of Hysopus, and because they have
had to bear there the largest burden of it.[358] In returning to the
village we observed a very large, clear fountain bubbling up from
under a rock. When we arrived there, we went to the house of the
person who was the head of the village, where some people had
assembled, who, having no minister, and hearing that my comrade was a
theologian, requested him to preach for them the next day. But our
skipper having finished what he had to do, we left there. Here and in
Albany they brew the heaviest beer we have tasted in all New
Netherland, and from wheat alone, because it is so abundant. The
glass-maker informed us that Willem, the son of our old people,[359]
was going to follow the sea, and had left for Barbados; that Evert
Duyckert, our late mate on our voyage out, who had gone as captain of
a ketch to Barbados and Jamaica, had arrived; that it was his ship we
had seen coming in, when we were leaving the city, and that perhaps he
would go with her to Holland. This place is about three-quarters of an
hour inland. At the mouth of the creek, on the shore of the river,
there are some houses and a redoubt, together with a general
storehouse, where the farmers bring in their grain, in order that it
may be conveniently shipped when the boats come up here, and wherein
their goods are discharged from the boats, as otherwise there would be
too much delay in going back and forth. The woodland around the
Hysopus is not of much value, and is nothing but sand and rock. We had
hardly reached the river, when a man came running up to us as hard as
he could, requesting to speak to us. We inquired of him what he
desired, when he complained of being sorely afflicted with an internal
disease, and said he had heard we well understood medicine, and knew
what to prescribe for him. We told him we were no doctors, and had
only brought a few medicines with us for our own use, and most of them
we had given away.[360] My comrade told him what he thought of his
disease, and that we could not help him: whereupon this poor wretched
man went sorrowfully back again, for he had spent much to be cured.
We told him, however, we would send him a brackish powder which had
done good in several cases, and which, if it pleased God to bless it,
would perhaps help him. We went on board the boat, and immediately got
under sail, with a favorable but light wind, and by evening arrived at
the entrance of the Highlands.

[Footnote 356: Gerrit Duyckinck.]

[Footnote 357: A ground-plan of Esopus or Kingston, showing the
stockade with its gates, and the houses and fortifications as they are
here described, may be found in Miller's _Description of New York_.]

[Footnote 358: The Esopus war occurred in 1658-1660.]

[Footnote 359: Willem Hellekers.]

[Footnote 360: See p. 202, note.]

_5th, Sunday._ The wind was ahead, but it was calm. When the tide
began to fall, we tacked, or rather drifted along, but with little
progress. We passed through the Highlands however, and came to anchor
by the time the ebb was spent. The weather was very rainy.

_6th, Monday._ The wind was still contrary, and blew hard therefore we
tacked, but in consequence of our being very heavily laden we advanced
but little. We anchored again when we went ashore at a place on the
east side of the river where there was a meadow on fire. We saw there
a beautiful hard stone, as white and as clean as I have ever seen
either here or in Europe, very fine for building; and also many cedar
trees of beautiful color and strong perfume. Some Indians came
alongside of us in their canoes, whom we called on board, and bought
from them a very large striped bass, as large as a codfish in the
Fatherland, for a loaf of stale bread worth about three stivers,
Holland money, and some other fish for a little old salt meat.

_7th, Tuesday._ At daylight the tide served, but the wind was still
ahead, though steady. We continued tacking with considerable progress,
and at ten o'clock arrived before the city of New York, where we
struck upon a rock. The water was falling, and we therefore
immediately carried out an anchor, and wore the yacht off. A slight
breeze soon afterward sprang up, and took us to the city. The Lord be
praised and glorified for His grace. We delivered our letters, and
executed the orders which were committed to us. We inquired for
Ephraim and de la Grange, but they had not yet arrived.

_8th, Wednesday._ We had now nothing more to do, except to get ready
with all speed to leave for Boston. As we had ordered some clothes, as
we have said, to be made, we urged the tailor to finish them. We
inquired for a boat going to Boston, and found there were two, but the
time was up the next day for leaving, and we could not be ready so
soon. We went first to visit Theunis, concerning whom there had been
great talk during our absence. Even the minister Niewenhuyse dared to
say that we had misled him; and he intended to visit Theunis, for he
had been to our house. But Theunis anticipated him, and said he need
not give himself so much trouble, as he could go to him, which he did.
When the domine asked him about these things, he told the domine he
must not have such opinion; that we had not misled him, but had led
him straight; that he was not able to compensate us for the good we
had done him, since he was more edified, instructed, strengthened, and
comforted by us, than he had been by any one in his whole life. The
domine therefore had to be satisfied, and said, "'Tis well then, 'tis
well then, I did not know that." Our old woman told us Theunis had
been so sad and oppressed again, they did not know what to advise him.
We therefore went to see him, and found him at home, in as good a
frame of mind as could be wished for one in such a condition. We asked
him how he got along. He said very well; that God was good to him, and
then related to us about his going to the minister, and his standing
upon the eminence when we were sailing by, looking after us. We spoke
to him affectionately, exhorting him to faithfulness; that he must
instruct his wife and children, and set them a good example. He
informed us that his wife was as changed as day from night in many
respects, and he hoped she would improve still more; that he would
instruct his children as well as he could, if it pleased the Lord they
should be instructed, which comforted us, and we returned home.[361]

[Footnote 361: Theunis Idensen is found becoming a member of the Dutch
Reformed Church at New York in the next month, June 17, 1680.]

The North River is the most navigated and frequented river in these
parts, because the country about it is the most inhabited. Its larger
population as compared with other places is owing, for the most part,
first to the fact that the capital was originally established here,
and has ever since remained here, under whatever government has
prevailed, although the South River was first discovered; secondly,
because it is the most convenient place for the purposes of
navigation, I mean the capital, and is the middle and centre of the
whole of New Netherland; and thirdly, because this place, and indeed
the river, possess the most healthy and temperate climate. We will
hereafter speak of New York, and confine ourselves now to the North
River; which was so called for two reasons, and justly so: the first
of which is because, as regards the South River, it lies in a more
northerly latitude, the South River lying in 39°, and the North River
in 40° 25´, and being also thus distinguishable from the East River,
which although it is more easterly, as its name denotes, nevertheless
lies in the same parallel. The other reason is because it runs up
generally in a northerly direction, or between north by east and
north-northeast. It begins at the sea in a bay; for the sea coast,
between the North and South Rivers, stretches northeast by north and
northeast, and southwest and southwest by south; and from the North
River along Long Island for the most part east and west. Besides this
name, which is the most common and the best, it bears several others;
such as Maurits River, because it was discovered and taken possession
of in the time of Prince Maurice; Montagne River because one De la
Montagne was one of the first and principal settlers, and lastly,
Manhattans River, from the Manhattans Island, or the Manhattan
Indians, who lived hereabouts and on the island of Manhattans, now the
city of New York.[362] To be more exact, its beginning, it seems to
us, ought to be regarded as at the city of New York, where the East
River as well as Kill achter Kol separate from the North River. The
waters below the city are not commonly called the river, but the bay;
for although the river discharges itself into the sea at Sandy Hook,
or Rentselaer's Hook, this discharge is not peculiarly its own, but
also that of the East River, Achter Kol, Slangenbergh Bay, Hackingsack
Creek, Northwest Creek, Elizabeth Creek, Woodbridge Creek, Milstone
River, Raritan River, and Nevesinck Creek, all of which deserve the
name of rivers, and have nothing in common with the North River, but
with Long Island on one side and Staten Island on the other. The water
below the Narrows to Sandy Hook is usually called the Great Bay; and
that of the Narrows and above them as far as the city, and up to and
beyond Sapocanikke,[363] the Little Bay. Although the Great Bay is so
called, it is not by any means as large as that of the South River.
Above Sapocanikke the river is about two miles wide, and is very
uniformly of the same width as far up as the Hysopus and higher,
except in the Highlands, where there are here and there a narrow
strait and greater depth. Above the Hysopus, which is 90 to 96 miles
from the city, it still maintains a fair width, but with numerous
islands, shoals, and shallows, up to Fort Albany, where it is
narrower. It is easily navigable to the Hysopus with large vessels,
and thence to Fort Albany with smaller ones, although ketches and such
craft can go up there and load. It carries the ordinary flood tide
into the Highlands, but with much of a down flow of water, only up to
them; though with an extraordinary flow down and a dead neap-tide, the
water becomes brackish near the city. With a slight flow of water down
and a spring tide, accompanied by a southeast storm, the flood tide is
carried quite through the Highlands, and they said they had had a
change in the water even as far up as the Hysopus. The land on both
sides of the river is high and rocky, but higher in some places than
others, as at the Highlands, eminently so called because they are
higher than the others. In passing by the Hysopus you see the Katskil
Mountains, a little inland, which are the highest in this region, and
extend from there, in the form of a crescent, into the country of the
Maquaas. Although these mountains are from 112 to 120 miles distant
from the sea, there are skippers who in clear weather have seen them
while sailing along the coast. All the reaches, creeks, headlands, and
islands, bear the names which were accidentally given them in the
first instance: as Antonis Neus (Anthony's Nose) a headland and high
hill in the Highlands, because it has a sharp edge running up and down
in the form of a man's nose; Donderbergh (Thunder Hill), because it
thundered there frightfully at the time the first explorers of the
river passed it; Swadel Rack (Swath Reach), a short strait between
high hills, where in sailing through they encounter whirlwinds and
squalls, and meet sometimes with accidents, which they usually call
_swadelen_ (swaths or mowing sweeps); Danskamer (Dancing
Chamber),[364] a spot where a party of men and women arrived in a
yacht in early times, and being stopped by the tide went ashore. Gay,
and perhaps intoxicated, they began to jump and dance, when the
Indians who had observed them fell upon them in the height of their
merriment and drove them away. In remembrance of this circumstance the
place has since been called the Dancing Chamber. It is on the west
side of the river, just through the Highlands. Boterberg (Butter
Hill), and Hoyberg (Hay Hill), the one because it is like the rolls of
butter which the farmers in Holland take to market, and the other
because it is like a haystack in Holland; 't Claver Rack (Clover
Reach), from three bare places which appear on the land;[365] and
Kinder Hoeck (Children's Point), Noten Hoeck (Nut Point), Potlepels
Eylant (Potladle Island), Kock Achie, etc.

[Footnote 362: The Figurative Map of 1616 gives the name Riviere van
den Vorst Mauritius (River of Prince Maurice). Wassenaer (1624) speaks
of the river as "called first Rio de Montagnes, now the River
Mauritius." De Laet, in _Nieuwe Wereldt_ (1625), gives "Manhattes
River" and "Rio de Montaigne," but says that "the Great River" is the
usual designation. In his Latin version of 1633, and French of 1640,
he adds a mention of the name Nassau River. As Dr. Johannes la
Montagne did not come to New Netherland till 1637, the derivation here
given can not hold. River of the Mountains is an obvious enough name,
to any one who had sailed up through the Highlands of the Hudson.]

[Footnote 363: Greenwich, a district of old New York.]

[Footnote 364: At a cove in the north part of the town of Newburgh.]

[Footnote 365: As if like a clover-leaf. Noten Hoeck was opposite
Coxsackie, Potlepels (now Polopel's) Island opposite Cornwall. Kock
Achie or Coxsackie is probably Koeksrackie, the cook's little reach,
to distinguish it from the Koeks Rack, cook's reach, the name which
the early voyagers gave to a reach far below, near present Peekskill.]

Above Fort Albany there are occasionally good flats on both sides of
the river, at the foot of the hills, and also some fine islands up to
the Cahoos; which is where the colony of Rentselaerwyck is planted.
The river begins above Fort Albany to divide itself, first by islands,
and then by the main land, into two arms or branches, one of which
turns somewhat towards the west and afterwards entirely west through
Schoonechten, towards the country of the Maquaas, and this branch, on
which the Cahoos lies, is called the Maquaas Kill. The other preserves
the course of the main river for the most part, or a little more
easterly, and retains also the name of the North River. It runs far up
into the country, and has its source in a lake 120 to 160 miles in
length,[366] out of which a stream probably empties into the St.
Lawrence, a river of Canada; for not only do the Indians, but the
French also, pass over here in canoes from Canada. We ourselves have
conversed with persons who have thus come over, some by water, and
others by land and on foot. Of the Cahoos we have already spoken, in
relating our journey there. Those falls are a great and wonderful work
of God; but although they have so much water that the wind causes the
spray and moisture to rise continually in the air, so that spectators
who stand two hundred feet or so higher are made wet, especially when
there are any gusts of wind driving from one side, as happened to us,
yet we regard the falls on the Northwest Kill [the Passaic] as more
curious, though smaller, and having less water. Even on the North
River, there are several small creeks and falls more rare to see than
the Cahoos. Beyond the Cahoos the land is not so high above the water;
and no fish pass from below into the river above, in consequence of
the interruption caused by the falls, nor can any boats be carried
over the falls, up or down, which is a great inconvenience for those
who live above the Cahoos, at Schenectady and other places, although
when the country shall become more inhabited, and they shall have more
occasion, they will take means to remedy this difficulty. Through the
whole of that extensive country they have no fish, except some small
kinds peculiar to the streams, such as trout, sunfish, roach, pike,
etc.; and this is the case in all the creeks where there are falls.

[Footnote 366: Referring, but of course mistakenly, to Lake Champlain,
or Lakes Champlain and George.]

The North River abounds with fish of all kinds, throughout from the
sea to the falls, and in the branch which runs up to the lake. To
relate a single instance: some persons near Albany caught in a single
haul of a common seine between five and six hundred fine shad, bass,
perch, and other fish, and there were, I believe, over five hundred of
one kind. It is not necessary for those who live in the city [of New
York], and other places near the sea, to go to the sea to fish, but
they can fish in the river and waters inside; or even to the Great
Bay, except such as live upon it, and they can by means of _fuycks_ or
seines not only obtain fish enough for their daily consumption, but
also to salt, dry, and smoke, for commerce, and to export by shiploads
if they wish, all kinds of them, as the people of Boston do; but the
people here have better land than they have there, where they
therefore resort more for a living to the water.

There is much beautiful quarry stone of all kinds on this river, well
adapted for building purposes and for burning lime; and as fine cedar
wood as we have seen anywhere. Nevertheless, for suitableness of
navigation, and for rich land on both sides, all the way up, the South
River excels the North; but what gives the North River the preference,
and crowns it over the South River, is its salubrious climate; though
above Christina Creek the South River is healthy, and it is every day
becoming more so, along the whole of that river. On the North River,
however, one has not to wait and die before this improvement may take

As soon as we arrived in the city, we resolved upon going to Long
Island, for the purpose of taking leave according to promise of the
kind acquaintances we had living there; and therefore on the

_9th, Thursday_, we started about ten o'clock. In crossing the ferry
we met Elbert, the father-in-law of Jan Theunissen,[367] who came over
with us and professed so much friendship towards us. Elbert was going
to the city and intended to return again soon; but we thought it would
not be before evening, which would be too long to wait for him. We
therefore proceeded on to his house at the bay, where we arrived at
noon. We found there Gerrit the wheelwright;[368] and Jan Theunissen
soon came in from the fields; but as the father-[in-law] was not at
home we had to tarry, although we had intended to go to Najack. While
we were sitting there Domine Van Zueren[369] came up, to whom the
boors called out as uncivilly and rudely as if he had been a boy. He
had a chatting time with all of them. As Jan Theunissen had said to us
in the house, that if the domine only had a chance once to speak to
us, Oh, how he would talk to us! that we avoided him, and therefore
could not be very good people; now, as we were there, we sat near him
and the boors and those with whom he was conversing. He spoke to us,
but not a word of that fell from him. Indeed, he sat prating and
gossiping with the boors, who talked foully and otherwise, not only
without giving them a single word of reproof, but even without
speaking a word about God or spiritual matters. It was all about
houses, and cattle, and swine, and grain; and then he went away.

[Footnote 367: See pp. 30, 52, 59, 61, _supra_.]

[Footnote 368: Gerrit van Duyn.]

[Footnote 369: Rev. Casparus van Zuuren, of Gouda in Holland, was one
of the four Dutch Reformed ministers now remaining in New York (and
Delaware)--Schaets, Nieuwenhuisen, van Zuuren, Tesschenmaker--and was
minister of Midwout (Flatbush), Brooklyn, and Amersfoort (Flatlands),
but lived at Midwout. He came out from Holland in 1677 and returned to
a pastorate there in 1685.]

_10th, Friday._ The morning was rainy, and we could not go out early;
but the weather became better after breakfast, about nine o'clock,
when we took our leave and left for Najack, where we arrived at eleven
o'clock at Jaques's. He had been sick with a large ulcer on his neck,
but that was now better. We were welcome. Among other matters, he told
us that he had heard the report about our Theunis, but he did not know
what to believe or think of it. We told him the whole truth about it,
as he was capable of believing it, for he was at the best a Socinian.
Theunis had formerly lived in that neighborhood[370] and Jaques at
that time missed a cow which was pasturing in the woods with the other
cattle, as they always do. They made a thorough search after her, but
could not find her. Although Jaques had some suspicion of Theunis, he
did not manifest it even to those who spoke to him about Theunis in
connection with the subject. It happened that Theunis came to Jaques's
house, when Jaques embraced the opportunity, and took him on the shore
near his house. After talking of various matters, Jaques spoke to him
about his cow, how she was carried off, and they never could hear
anything about her. He then began to push Theunis a little closer, who
laughed at it heartily at first; but by hard pressing and proofs which
Jaques gradually brought forward, and especially by appeals to his
conscience, whether he had not the fear of God before his eyes,
Theunis acknowledged he had done it, and falling on his knees prayed
for forgiveness. He had stolen the cow and killed her. Jaques, who is
one of the justices, said, "I forgive you from the bottom of my heart,
but I do this only to cause you to reflect and desist from your
wickedness, and to show you that you do not know or fear God, and that
you may fear Him more." Whereupon Theunis was much affected, and went
away entirely subdued, while Jaques was rejoiced that he had had the
opportunity of relieving his mind about Theunis. Jaques, who had known
him from his youth up, said he had been a very godless person, cursing
and swearing and, in a word, living in direct hostility to God. We
told Jaques that better things were now to be expected from him, at
which Jaques was pleased.

[Footnote 370: In 1664 Jacob Hellekers and Theunis Idensen both lived
in New Utrecht. _N.Y. Col. Doc._, II. 481. Jaques is Jacques
Cortelyou. Socinian means a Unitarian, a follower of Faustus Socinus.]

We dined with Jaques; and his little son came and presented us a
humming-bird he had shot. Jaques impressed us very much with his
sincerity and cordiality in everything we had to do with him, or
wherein he could be of any service to us. We left with him the little
book which we had lent to him, and which he said he had found much
pleasure in reading, _Les Pensées de M. Pascal_. We took our leave of
him, and went directly through the fields to Gouanes, where we arrived
at two o'clock. Simon[371] and his wife were out upon some newly
cleared land planting water-melons; for water-melons must always have
new ground, or the worms will destroy them. They went into the house
with us. They also spoke about Theunis, and we disabused them of
several things. They showed us some pieces of ambergris, which their
brother had brought from the Caribbean Islands, and which we thought
was good. We said to them what we deemed proper for them, and took our
leave, reaching the city in good time.

[Footnote 371: Simon Aertsen de Hart.]

De la Grange and his wife arrived this evening from the South River by
land, leaving their nephew behind, who had made arrangements to come
over with Ephraim in eight days. Meanwhile we made inquiries about
going to Boston, and they informed us that a vessel had sailed during
our absence, but we were not ready, and there would be another one
going in eight or ten days.

_11th, Saturday._ We finished with our tailor, and paid him 77
guilders in _zeewan_, that is, 25 guilders and 8 stivers in Holland

[Footnote 372: About ten dollars.]

_13th, Monday._ We settled with our old hosts and paid them. We
continued our inquiries for an opportunity to leave, but without

_15th, Wednesday._ As we were crossing the street, the lord governor,
passing by, saw us and called to us. We went him, and he asked us what
we thought of the lands around Albany. We answered, they were very
good, but limited, being flats here and there, and that the woodland,
in particular, was not worth much. "But," he said, "you have not been
to Wappings Kill."[373] We replied, that we had not. "That is," he
rejoined, "a beautiful place, about three-quarters of an hour inland,
on a fine creek which you can navigate with yachts, and it lies just
through the Highlands, directly opposite the Dans Kamer." And with
that he left us.

[Footnote 373: Wappinger's Creek, in Dutchess County.]

_16th, Thursday._ As there was still a portion of our small stock of
goods remaining, we traded it with De la Grange, who expected his boat
from the South River with peltries and other articles, with which he
would pay us.

_17th, Friday._ The boat which they had said would sail to-morrow, was
posted to sail next Wednesday; but we think it will be postponed still

_18th, Saturday._ We prepared our letters for _Patria_.

_19th, Sunday._ A ship arrived from Barbados. One had also arrived
last week from London, which had been six weeks and three days on the
voyage; but we did not receive any letters, nor did De la Grange, and
we could learn nothing certain.

Meanwhile we conversed with several persons who came to visit us,
among others with a woman who had undergone, several years ago, some
remarkable experiences; of a light shining upon her while she was
reading in the New Testament about the sufferings of the Lord Jesus,
which frightened her very much. It did not continue long but soon
passed off; yet it left, nevertheless, such a joy and testimony in her
heart as she could not describe. She kept it to herself, without
making it known to any one except only one woman. Some years
afterwards, while lying abed in the morning, she heard a voice which
said to her, she must make this glory known, which she did do to
Domine Nieuwenhuise, who told her he did not know what to say. She had
also mentioned it to others, and to one man who played the part of a
wise man, but who was not a good man. He said to her, "You must not go
any more to church, for you are wise enough, and will become still
wiser. You must not go to the Lord's Supper, for the Lord has said,
'do that until I come,'" and many other such things, in order to
frighten the poor woman. He once came to her house and asked her very
harshly and roughly, why she continued to do so, and in whose hands
she would rather fall, into the hands of God, or the hands of men? She
said, poor woman, in the words of David, "Rather in God's hands." "And
I not," said he; "I would rather fall in the hands of men," and then
went away. This has so sorely disturbed this poor woman that for a
long time she has not known what to do; for not to go to church, and
to leave the Lord's Supper, she could not in her heart consent. We
told her that as regards what had happened to her, many things had
occurred to us, and further, what was serviceable therein, without
however condemning them in her; but that the person who had so spoken
to her was a false teacher, and she must be cautious of him; that for
herself in all these and the like matters she must seek for true
grace, for a new heart and power unto true repentance of life, and for
true humility of soul and renunciation of herself and the world. And
thereupon she left. Her name was Marie. She was a Frenchwoman; and her
husband, a Frenchman, who had also been to us twice. He was the son of
Pierre Jardinier of whom we have before spoken.[374] He had a book
with the title of _Le Grand Héraut_, etc., which he highly esteemed;
but he was a real reformed, of France, as they said. The other person,
who played the wise man, was also a Frenchman. His name was Nicolas de
la Pleyne, a relation of hers and professed to be of the
reformed.[375] He had not for a long time been to the Lord's Supper,
but had now gone to it again. He was a tobacco twister by trade.

[Footnote 374: For Pierre the Gardener, Pierre Cresson, see p. 74. The
son referred to was Jacques Cresson, who became a Labadist, and died
in 1684. His wife was Marie Renard. His book was Labadie's _Le Héraut
du Grand Roi Jésus_ (Amsterdam, 1667). After his death his widow went
to Curaçao, returned, but removed to Philadelphia, and died there in
1710. The two were among the first members of the Dutch church at

[Footnote 375: Nicolas de la Pleine, of "Bersweer in France," was
married in 1658 to Susanna Cresson, native of Ryswyk in Holland,
sister of Jacques Cresson. He was constable in 1685.]

We wrote up the river to Robert Sanders of Albany, and to the poor
sick man at the Hysopus, sending him a _vomitorium_ by Meus Hoogboom.
We also went to see the Boston skipper, but he had not obtained any

_22nd, Wednesday._ Mr. Reinderman arrived overland from the South
River, leaving Ephraim still there. He started the same day that De la
Grange left there, but was not able to overtake him. He had been all
this time on the road, and had had a difficult journey, in consequence
of there being so much water upon the land.

_23d, Thursday._ We went again to inquire after our boat, and found
that the time was changed for the voyage, which made it a great
inconvenience to us to be here so long, without being able to
accomplish anything. But some other Boston vessels had arrived, which,
they said, would return the first opportunity.

_24th, Friday._ Ephraim arrived from the South River at noon to-day,
with his wife, and her sister's mother,[376] and other company,

[Footnote 376: Apparently this means the mother of Susanna Huyberts,
wife of Casparus Heerman. See p. 130, note 1.]

_25th, Saturday._ We went this forenoon to welcome him. He was still
very much attached to us, and so was his wife, and both were persuaded
and touched with the love which we had shown them, and the wife
particularly, for the favor I had granted her, in sending her the
translation of the _Verheffinge des Geestes_, in reading which she had
experienced great enjoyment, and had been sometimes tenderly affected.
She thanked us for the little parcel of braided goods we had sent her,
which had been very agreeable to her. He promised moreover, if it
should please God to call us again into this country to live and to
establish His beloved church, we need not be at a loss to find a
place; that the land which belonged to him, namely, Bohemia in
Maryland, where his father lived, and of which we have before spoken,
should with his consent be applied to no other purpose; that it should
never go into English hands, hoping that God would give him this
grace.[377] He had brought with him a piece of spermaceti, a portion
of which he presented to us. He told us of the disposition of the
heart of the Heer Jan Moll towards us, who showed us so much
friendship, as we have before related, and will show us all possible
kindness in the future; that he had taken well to heart what we had
commended to him, and had even reformed several matters in his
household, and otherwise; and how it grieved him that Domine
Tessemaker had not grace or ability enough to accomplish anything
serious in the congregation there, of which he was the elder, as well
as president of the king's court. His wife was so far gone in
consumption, that they saw no hope of her recovery.

[Footnote 377: See p. 141, note 2, _supra_.]

_26th, Sunday._ Domine Niewenhuyse being sick, there was no preaching
yet to-day.

_27th, Monday._ We went to call upon Ephraim again, in order to speak
to him particularly, but did not succeed in consequence of his being
visited so much, the more so because his wife's sister was soon to be

[Footnote 378: According to the records of the Dutch Reformed Church
in New York, Elizabeth's half-sister, Helena van Brugh, was married
the day before this, May 26.]

_28th, Tuesday._ The supercargo of the last arrived Boston vessel,
named Padechal,[379] was at M. van Clief's, who spoke to him about our
wishes, and he promised to give us every attention and accommodation,
and that he would leave in the coming week. This inspired us with new
hope of getting away finally after so much delay.

[Footnote 379: Richard Pattishall of Boston. He was killed by the
Indians at Pemaquid in 1692.]

_29th, Wednesday._ The before mentioned Boston trader came to speak
with us himself, at the house of M. van Cleif. We talked with him, and
he promised us every thing fair. The fare from New York to Boston is
twenty shillings in English money for each person, which with the loss
of exchange is a pound sterling in the money of Old England, which
certainly is dear enough.

_30th, Thursday._ It was now Ascension Day, according to the old
style,[380] a day greatly observed by the English. It reminded us of
the day we left home on our travels, which was Ascension Day, old
style. We wrote to-day to Robert Sanders at Albany, in order that, as
we were so long in New York contrary to our intentions, he might
regulate himself in the matter of our poor Wouter, the Indian, who,
according to our mutual understanding, was to go to Boston by land,
with an address from Mr. Robert Sanders, to one John Pisgeon,
merchant, of that city,[381] so that we might find him, or he us, in
order to go to Europe with us, which he so earnestly desired, and we
endeavored with our whole heart to effect; and as this could not well
be done by the way of York, on account of the governor and other
hindrances, we had chosen that way, as it seemed to us the best.

[Footnote 380: But it was also Ascension Day of the new style.]

[Footnote 381: I do not know who this could be if it were not John
Pynchon of Springfield, assistant and councillor of Massachusetts
1665-1703. He owned much property in Boston and was often there; his
large possessions in western Massachusetts and his position as the
chief trader at Springfield would make it natural to use him in the
way described; and in 1677 he had, at Albany, taken part, as
representative of his colony, in Governor Andros's negotiations with
the Mohawks.]

M. de la Grange came with his wife to invite me to accompany them in
their boat to the Wale Bocht,[382] a place situated on Long Island,
almost an hour's distance below the city, directly opposite Correlaers
Hoeck, from whence I had several times observed the place, which
appeared to me very pleasant, although I had never been there. He had
an old aunt and other friends living there. We set off accordingly in
the boat, but the strong flood tide carried us beyond the bay, to a
place called the Burnt Mill, where we could let the tide run out.
Meanwhile we fished a little, but we caught nothing except a small
codfish. From there we landed on the Mahatans, a little north of the
Burnt Mill, on a beautiful farm, having two fine ponds of water before
the door, where a mill was standing. These ponds were full of sunfish,
and other fish, some of which we caught. The flood having run out at
noon, we left there and arrived about two o'clock at the Wale Bocht.
This is a bay tolerably wide where the water rises and falls much, and
at low water is very shallow and much of it dry. Inside of the
easterly point there was a ship aground, which had struck on the reef
of rocks which put out from Corlaer's Hook towards this bay, and had
floated over here and sunk. She was a French privateer, which had
taken some rich Dutch prizes in the bay of Campeachy and was going
through here to New England, in order to dispose of the goods which
would not bring money enough in New York. There were many goods still
in the sunken ship, and they have tried several times to raise her,
but to no purpose. We went ashore here, and observed several kinds of
fish, which I had not seen before in this country, such as flounders,
plaice, sole, etc. This aunt of de La Grange is an old Walloon woman
from Valenciennes, seventy-four years old. She is worldly-minded, with
_mere bonte_,[383] living with her whole heart, as well as body, among
her progeny, which now number 145, and will soon reach 150.
Nevertheless she lived alone by herself, a little apart from the
others, having her little garden, and other conveniences, with which
she helped herself.[384] The ebb tide left our boat aground, and we
were compelled to wait for the flood to set her afloat. De la Grange
having to train next week with all the rest of the people, at New
York, bespoke here a man to go as his substitute. The flood tide
having made, we arrived home by evening.

[Footnote 382: The Walebocht, or bay of the Walloons, was a bight in
the Long Island shore, where the Brooklyn Navy Yard now stands. It was
so named from a group of Walloons who settled there at an early date.
The modern form of the name is Wallabout.]

[Footnote 383: Meaning, apparently, "with mere human goodness."]

[Footnote 384: This old woman was Catalina Trico (1605-1689), widow of
Joris Jansen Rapalie. She was the mother of eleven children, of whom
the eldest, Sara, born in 1625 at Fort Orange, is understood to have
been "the first born Christian daughter in New Netherland," Jean Vigné
(see p. 47, note 2) being the first-born child. Two depositions by her
of 1685 and 1688, printed in _Doc. Hist. N.Y._, III. 31-32, quarto
ed., give interesting details of the beginnings of the colony, for she
came out "in 1623" (1624, rather) in the _Eendracht_ (Unity), the
first ship sent out to New Netherland by the Dutch West India Company.
After three years at Fort Orange and twenty-two at New Amsterdam, she
and her husband settled at the Walebocht. In the second deposition she
speaks of herself as born in Paris, not Valenciennes. How she was aunt
of de la Grange I do not know. He was the son of Joost de la Grange
and Margaret his wife, afterward the wife of Andrew Carr. His wife was
Cornelia de la Fontaine. Joining the Labadists in their purchase, he
was naturalized by the Maryland assembly in 1684, and in 1692 was
understood to be living in their community at Bohemia Manor. _Maryland
Archives_, XIII. 126, XX. 163.]

_31st, Friday._ We sold to the wife of Evert, the late mate of our
ship, a small looking-glass, a steel thimble, a pound and a half of
white darning yarn, and half a pound of brown thread, for which she
gave us a piece of eight.[385]

[Footnote 385: A dollar, piece of eight reals.]

JUNE _1st, Saturday._ Nothing transpired to-day, except that several
persons came to converse with us, to each of whom we spoke according
to his state.[386]

[Footnote 386: It was believed by the local ministers that Danckaerts
and Sluyter while in New York engaged actively in proselytizing. Thus,
Rev. Henricus Selyns, Domine Niewenhuisen's successor, says in a
letter to Rev. Willem à Brakel, "They regularly attended church and
said they had nothing against my doctrines; that they were of the
Reformed Church, and stood by the Heidelberg Catechism and Dordrecht
Confession.... Afterwards, in order to lay the groundwork for a
schism, they began holding meetings with closed doors, and to rail out
against the church and consistory, as Sodom and Egypt, and saying they
must separate from the church; they could not come to the service, or
hold communion with us. They thus absented themselves from the
church." Murphy, _New Netherland Anthology_, pp. 95, 96.]

_2d, Sunday._ There was no preaching in consequence of Domine
Niewenhuise's continued sickness. Ephraim and his wife, among others,
called upon us, and we had several conversations with them, and
satisfied them in regard to our departure.

_3d, Monday._ We went to inquire whether our voyage would take place,
as they said, on Wednesday. They now fixed the last of the week, which
did not please us a great deal, because there was so much fine weather
passing away without our being able to do anything; and also because
we discovered that we could depend as little upon the word of the
people of New England as of others, although they wished to pass for
more upright persons, which we have not been able to perceive.

_4th, Tuesday._ We were again visited by several persons, and also by
Ephraim, and one Pieter Beyaert,[387] a deacon of the Dutch church, a
very good sort of person whom God, the Lord, began to touch and
enlighten, both in regard to the destruction of the world in general
and of himself in particular. He had a good intention to perform,
through the grace of God, whatever God convicted him the truth of;
for, he said, he had for some time past felt that God had some purpose
concerning him, and to incite him to serve God with more earnestness;
but it was impossible to do so in the city, and in this city of
traders, where he lived; and as he observed the hand and providence of
God in this matter because there had fallen to him a good piece of
land and farm, without any effort of his, and as he felt that a
private life was better for him, and brought him nearer to God, he
intended to abandon the city and commerce and go and live upon his
farm, which is on the South River, a small distance below where Caspar
Hermans lives. We said to him on this subject what we believed he was
in need of, which he received kindly.

[Footnote 387: Pieter Bayard was a nephew of Governor Stuyvesant and a
brother of Nicholas Bayard, of the council. He joined in the Labadist
purchase, but soon withdrew.]

The large ship of Frederick Flipsen, of which Singleton was captain,
besides being lank of herself, was also very badly stowed and laden.
In attempting to run out to sea, she was compelled to put back to
Staten Island, in order to be restowed, which delays his voyage for
several weeks.

_5th, Wednesday._ We now learned that our voyage was postponed until
Monday, and perhaps longer, so little calculation can be made upon
voyages in these parts.

_6th, Thursday._ We visited Theunis, whom we found well, the Lord
confirming and strengthening him in the grace he had manifested
towards Him, which comforted us, and we wished him the blessing of the

_7th, Friday._ We went to take our leave of the lord governor, who was
very much engaged with the officers of the burghers, who were to train
the next day, and also with the affair of Lord Carteret,[388] governor
of New Jersey. After we had been waiting a long time, he observed us
and called us. He asked us what we came to say, not with his
accustomed kindness, but a little peevishly, as if he were tired of us
and we annoyed him. We answered, we came to take our leave of him, as
we intended to leave for Boston, and to thank him for the favor and
kindness he had shown us. He enquired with whom we were going; and we
named the person. He then asked, when; and we said on Monday. "Well,"
said he, "you will undoubtedly find there in the east a better
opportunity than you have found here." We felt that he said this in
irony; and replied, we did not think so, as we had seen several good
situations within his government, and had been informed they were not
so good at the east. He cut off the conversation by wishing us a happy
voyage, for which we thanked him and left. We also went to take leave
of Frederick Flipsen,[389] whom we requested, in case any letters
addressed to us came into his hands, he would be so kind as to direct
them to us in the Fatherland, which order we afterwards changed, and
gave to M. de la Grange, because we were apprehensive, as he and the
governor were one, it might be that our letters, coming from the
Fatherland, had been withheld from us by them, as some persons had
absolutely declared, and others had half insinuated.

[Footnote 388: Governor Carteret was not a lord.]

[Footnote 389: See p. 5, note 1.]

_8th, Saturday._ There was a training and muster to-day, which had not
taken place before in two years, because the small-pox had prevailed
so much the last year. Some were on horseback, and six small companies
were on foot. They were exercised in military tactics, but I have
never seen anything worse of the kind. They comprised all the force of
New York and the adjacent places. De la Grange, who supposed he could
put in a substitute, had to appear on horseback himself, although some
who were to come so did substitute others in their places.

This day was the anniversary of our departure from home, and we would
have now taken our departure from here, if it had not been postponed.

_9th, Sunday._ Pinxter (Whitsunday). Domine Niewenhuyse having
recovered from his sickness, we went to hear him preach, in order not
to give any cause of offense at the last. His text was the usual one.

_10th, Monday._ The second day of Pinxter. We had several visitors
whom we received with love and affection, each one according to his

_11th, Tuesday._ We called upon Ephraim, from whom we received in
charge some spermaceti, with orders to send him from Amsterdam a good
new Bible. He presented us on behalf of his wife, who was not at home,
two beautiful otter skins, which we dared not refuse, and accepted
with thanks.

The governor, attended by his whole retinue of ladies and gentlemen,
escorted Carteret, the governor of New Jersey, in great pomp home to
Achter Kol. As we are now about to leave New York, and the affair of
the Heer Carteret appears to be finished, which happening during our
stay here we should have noticed from time to time, only we thought it
was not well to write then what we saw, for various reasons, we do not
regard it improper now to state what we heard of it.

These two governors lived at first in friendship and concord. Carteret
came often to New York, and generally to church, when he usually went
to the governor's, in the fort. A difference afterwards arose between
them, but the cause of it I have not heard, or whether it was personal
or public. It is certain, however, that the governor of New York
wished to bring Carteret and his government, to some extent, into
subordination to him. Carteret claimed to be as perfectly governor of
his province as the other was of his, and to possess the same
prerogatives as the governor of New York, and even more than he, in
respect to trade and other privileges. The governor of New York
disputed with him all right of navigation, declaring the North River
was under his own jurisdiction, and therefore all persons who passed
in or out of it must acknowledge him, pay him duties, and even unlade
there, and actually commenced seizing some vessels. Carteret thereupon
complained to England, and the governor of New York sent Captain Dyer
over there as a commissioner, which he disavowed with an oath, as it
is said. This Dyer returned with skipper Jacob, or about that time,
but with what instructions I do not know. There also arrived with him
a collector for Boston, on behalf of the king, as they said, which was
contrary to their privileges of liberties, and he was therefore never
acknowledged as such by the merchants there.[390] From this time forth
the governor of New York began to act more stringently towards
Carteret, and also towards his own subjects. Carteret obtaining
information of what had been done in England by Captain Dyer, called
together all the principal men among his people, who represented under
their signatures the circumstances of the case, and sent the paper to
England. The governor of New York went to Staten Island, as to the
jurisdiction over which they disagreed, and sent for Carteret to come
there in order, as he said, to negotiate with him in peace and
friendship. Carteret, probably perceiving his purpose, refused to go,
and requested of him if he had anything necessary to communicate to
come to him, as he was now not far from his residence, and as he,
Carteret, had been so frequently at the fort in New York, he should
come once to his house, where he might be assured he would be welcome.
Hereupon the governor returned again to New York with his object
unaccomplished, and shortly afterwards, by proclamation, declared the
nullity of the government of Carteret; that at the most he was only
the head of a colony, namely, New Jersey; and that he was guilty of
misusing the king's name, power, and authority. He sent boats several
times to Achter Kol to demand the submission of the place to his
authority, which the people of Achter Kol jeered at and disregarded,
being ready to uphold the king and their own governor, whom they bound
themselves by an oath to maintain. This occurred repeatedly, and
Carteret said that so far from wishing himself to oppose it, he would,
on the contrary, immediately submit, if the governor of New York would
produce the least authority from the king for what he claimed or did.
He however never brought forward anything of the kind, but continued
his proceedings; and at night, and unseasonable hours, and by
surprise, took from New Jersey all the staves of the constables out of
their houses, which was as much as to deprive them of the power to
act. Seeing he could accomplish nothing by force, he declared the
inhabitants released from their oaths to the Heer Carteret; they
answered they could not acknowledge any release from their oaths,
unless by the same authority which had required it of them or the
exhibition of a higher one, that of the king. At length he corrupted
one of Carteret's domestics, for Carteret had no soldiers or
fortifications, but resided in a country house only. He then equipped
some yachts and a ketch with soldiers, arms, and ammunition, and
despatched them to Achter Kol in order to abduct Carteret in any
manner it could be done. They entered his house, I know not how, at
midnight, seized him naked, dragged him through the window, struck and
kicked him terribly, and even injured him internally. They threw him,
all naked as he was, into a canoe, without any cap or hat on his head,
and carried him in that condition to New York, where they furnished
him clothes and shoes and stockings, and then conducted him to the
fort and put him immediately in prison. When they seized him at Achter
Kol the armed boats had gone home, and the seizure was accomplished
through treachery. Two of the head men of Carteret immediately took
possession of his papers, such as were of importance to him, and
travelled, one to Maryland, and the other, crossing the upper part of
the North River, to Boston overland, and both to England, in order to
remonstrate. The governor sent immediately to Achter Kol, took
possession of the place, posted up orders, and caused inquiries to be
made for the man who had set Carteret over the river, but without

[Footnote 390: Edward Randolph, the famous royal agent, arrived in New
York December 7, 1679.]

While Carteret was in prison he was sick, very sick, they said, in
regard to which there were various surmises. Meanwhile a court of
assizes was convened, to which on every occasion the governor was
conducted by three trumpeters in advance of him. Carteret was brought
before the same court, after him. The governor had caused a seat to be
erected in the court room high up above all the others, and higher
than usual on which he sat. Governor Carteret, as a criminal, was in
the middle. The court being seated, the governor presented Carteret as
guilty of misusing the king's name, power, and authority, and usurping
the government of New Jersey; that he was only the head of a colony,
etc. Whereupon Carteret, having the right to speak, said it was far
from his intention to seek to defend his case before that court; he
did not acknowledge it as a court having power to decide his case,
because in the first place the question could not be determined in a
court of assizes, as it did not concern a private right, but the right
of the king; in the next place, if such a question could be disposed
of in such a court, this nevertheless could not act, because he was
not subject to its jurisdiction; and thirdly, because it was a court
of one party, and he said this without wishing to offend any of the
individual members of the court; yet notwithstanding all this he was
content that he and his case should be brought before them in order
that they might be witnesses of what was done and to be done. As to
what the governor of New York alleged, he said it was wonderful to him
that he should be thus treated, and that they should dispute a matter
which neither the governor of New York, nor his court, nor any one in
the world had ever disputed, or with reason could dispute. The
governor said he had never acknowledged him as governor of New Jersey.
"It is surprising," said Carteret, "that at one time there can be
disavowed before all the world, what has been assented to before all
the world at another;" and thereupon he took out of his pocket several
letters of the governor of New York, all addressed to the governor of
New Jersey. The governor did not know what to say to this except that
he had so directed them because Carteret was generally styled
governor, and not because he was so in fact; "for," said he,
"although I have done that, can I therefore make you governor?" "No,"
replied Carteret, "but the king has made me governor, and you as well
as all the world have acknowledged me as such." The acts of the king
in relation to the governorship were then produced, and it was found
that the one to Carteret was some time older than that to the governor
of New York, and therefore, said Carteret, it is to be preferred. The
governor of New York replied, "mine is more recent, and yours is
therefore annulled by it." "That is to be shown," rejoined Carteret.
Although the governor of New York had employed a lawyer, he could not
succeed. When at last the jury retired, in order to consult among
themselves, Carteret exhibited letters from the king himself, in which
he called him governor of New Jersey. The jury returned and declared
Carteret not guilty of what was charged against him. The governor made
them retire a second time, saying to them it would be well for them to
consider what they did, as more depended upon the matter than they
imagined. They came back a second time with the same verdict.
Whereupon the governor became very angry, and caused them to go out
again with threats that they should look to what they did, as there
was too much depended upon it, for themselves, their entire condition
and welfare. Whereupon Carteret told them they had nothing to fear in
committing themselves into the king's own hands who had given him
authority. Again the jury returned and gave in the same verdict: that
as Carteret was not under them and did not acknowledge them as his
judges, they could not do otherwise in the case; but they advised
Carteret to return to his house and business at Achter Kol as a
private individual until the case be decided by higher authority,
which Carteret was willing to do, not because it was a sentence of
theirs against him, or even their advice, but because he was compelled
to do so and could not at that time do otherwise. And thus the affair
stood at our departure, the governor taking him back to Achter Kol
with all the magnificence he could. Some think this was all a made-up
piece of work, and that the governor of New York only sought to
possess the government and had no design against the person of
Carteret; and having obtained what he wanted, had no other or better
means than to release him with some show. The principal persons who
have assisted the governor herein are Captain Dyer before mentioned,
Captain Nicols,[391] and some others. This matter transpired before
all the world. The principal speeches which were made in court were
related to us and as regards the other transactions we saw them. It is
fortunate we were there when the affair terminated, as we were thus
enabled to understand the nature of this government as well as of the

[Footnote 391: Captain Mathias Nicolls, secretary of the province.]

[Footnote 392: While it may be doubted whether in strictness the
language of the grants to Berkeley and Carteret gave them rights of
government, precedents extending from 1665 allowed them the constant
exercise of such rights. Andros, however, especially now that Sir
George Carteret had died, in January, 1680, asserted that all rights
of government remained unimpaired in the Duke of York. Governor
Carteret's narrative of the high-handed proceedings by which he tried
to exercise these rights may be seen in Leaming and Spicer's _Grants
and Concessions_, pp. 683, 684. Substantially it agrees with that of
Danckaerts. The arrest took place on April 30, 1680, the trial on May
27. But by additional deeds of release, in August and September, 1680,
the Duke conceded governmental rights to the representatives of the
proprietaries. Andros was recalled, but remained in favor.]

As to what the governor has done in regard to his own subjects:
wherever they lived, they had the right to do whatever they considered
best for a livelihood; but as this country yields in abundance
everything most essential for life, if the inhabitants so apply it,
its shipping does not amount to much, for the reason that they have
everything at home, and have little occasion to borrow or buy from
their neighbors; and as the exports or imports were not much, and
produced few customs or duties, in which his profit consists, there
was little bought from the merchants of articles obtained from abroad.
There was therefore no profit from that source to them or him--for he
also is a merchant, and keeps a store publicly like the others, where
you can buy half a penny's worth of pins. They usually make at least a
hundred per cent. profit. And here it is to be remarked, that as
Fredrick Flipsen has the most shipping and does the largest trade, it
is said he is in partnership with the governor, which is credible and
inferable from the privileges which Frederick enjoys above the other
merchants in regard to his goods and ships. Now one of the principal
navigations of this place is that with Barbados, which formerly did
not amount to much, for the people could obtain the productions of
Barbados cheap enough from Boston, which had a great trade with that
island, and where its productions are cheap in consequence of their
exemptions from duties, for they paid scarcely any duty, customs, or
other charges. As no French brandies can come into the English
dominions, they can not be imported into New York, though they are
free at Boston; and as New Netherland is a country overflowing with
grain, much liquor was distilled there from grain, and therefore they
had no necessity of going elsewhere to buy strong liquors. This
brought no profit to the merchants, but on the contrary a loss, for in
the first place a large quantity of grain was consumed in
distillation, by which means the grain continued too dear, according
to the views of the merchants, who received it from the poor boors in
payment of their debts, there being no money in circulation; in the
second place, it prevented the importation of rum, a spirituous liquor
made from sugar in Barbados, and consequently any duties; and thirdly,
the merchants did not realize the double percentage of profit, namely,
upon the meal they might send to Barbados, and upon the rum which they
would sell here. The governor therefore prohibited the distilling of
spirituous liquors, whereby not only were many persons ruined who
supported themselves by that business, but the rum which had to be
procured from the merchants rose in price, and they sold it as high as
they pleased; on the other hand the price of grain fell very much,
because it could not be consumed, and the merchants gave no more for
it than they chose. And thus the poor farmers soon had to work for
nothing, all their sweat and labor going with usury into the pockets
of the tradesmen. The trade to Barbados now began to increase, and the
merchants and the governor to make more gains. The common people, who
could not trade to Barbados, but could buy what they wanted at Boston
as cheaply as they could order it from Barbados, sent their flour to
Boston, and obtained their goods much cheaper than their own merchants
sold them. But as this was contributing too much to Boston, although
the trade had always been free there, and was injuring the profits of
the merchants of New York, the governor forbade any further trading to
Boston; though the people of Boston should have the privilege to come
and buy at New York on their own account. This took away almost all
the trade with Boston, which had been very large, and straitened the
farmers and common people still more, while the merchants became, if
not re, at least great usurers and cheats. The grain by this means
fell still lower in price, and while we were there the people could
not obtain more than four or five guilders in _zeewan_ for a schepel
of fine wheat, that is, sixteen stivers or one guilder of Holland
money.[393] On the other hand, the merchants charged so dreadfully
dear what the common man had to buy of them, that he could hardly ever
pay them off, and remained like a child in their debt, and
consequently their slave. It is considered at New York a great
treasure and liberty, not to be indebted to the merchants, for any one
who is will never be able to pay them. The richest of the farmers and
common people, however, in company or singly, sent their goods to
Barbados, on their own account, and ordered from there what they
thought proper; and although they had to pay duties, and freight to
the merchants for the goods which were carried in their ships, they
nevertheless saved to themselves the profits on the goods. The
governor at last has forbidden any flour to be bolted except in the
city, or to be exported, unless [the exporters] come and reside in the
city, and buy their burger or trader-right, which is five beaver
skins, and has forbidden all persons whomsoever from carrying on
trade, except those whom he licenses, and who know what they must pay
him yearly, according to the amount of their sales. All goods sold
outside of the city, in the country, must be bought in New York, and
not imported on private account from abroad. Madame Rentselaer had
even erected a new bolting mill before the last harvest by his advice,
which was not yet in operation, when he prohibited bolting. Such was
the situation of affairs when we left there. It is true that all goods
imported into the South River from abroad had to pay not only import
but also export duties, but those bought in New York, or from the
merchants there on their own account, pay little or no export duty.
And it would appear as if the whole of the proceedings with Carteret
and him were founded in this, if they have no higher cause.

[Footnote 393: About fifty-five cents for a bushel.]

They say now, as he has accomplished these objects in regard to his
own people and Carteret, he will turn his attention to the Quakers on
the South River, who assert that they are not subject to his
government, and also to the people on the Fresh River [Connecticut],
who claim to be members of the republic of Boston, and even to those
of Boston; but whether all this is designed by him is doubtful.[394]

[Footnote 394: By "the Quakers on the South River" the writer means
the province of West Jersey, the dealings with Carteret having related
to East Jersey alone. The people of Connecticut, it is hardly
necessary to remark, did not claim to be members of the _republic_ of
Boston, though united with it in the New England confederation.]

The shoemakers, in consequence of the abundance of hides and bark in
the country, have prepared their own leather; but as it was not
necessary that every shoemaker should have his own tannery, some of
them have put up several tanneries jointly, and others who were not so
rich or had not so much to do, had their leather tanned by them, or
tanned it themselves in those tanneries, satisfying the owners for the
privilege. The proprietors of the tanneries began to exact too much
from those who had their leather tanned, whereupon the poorer ones
complained to the governor about it. He seized the opportunity to
forbid all tanning whatsoever, and to order that the hides should be
sent to Europe, and the leather ordered from there for the purpose of
making shoes, or else ready-made shoes imported. By this means the
farmers and others would be compelled to come and sell their hides to
the merchants, who would give for them what they chose, he would
derive taxes and duties from them, and the merchants their freight and
percentage of profit; leather which is dear in Europe would pay
perhaps taxes once or twice there, and freight and taxes or duties
again here; the merchants would have their profit, and then the
shoemaker would get the leather for the purpose of making shoes. A
pair of shoes now costs 16 or 20 guilders, that is, four guilders in
Holland money;[395] what would they cost then? And as labor in Europe
is cheaper than here, it is certain that shoes made there would be
cheaper than the leather would cost here, and thus all the shoemakers
here would be ruined, and all their means go to the governor and the
merchants. This subject was under discussion, and had not yet gone
into effect when we left. As they discovered that leather is
contraband, I think the order is stopped for that reason. The
intention however is evident.

[Footnote 395: One dollar and seventy cents.]

He has taken away land from several country people, and given it to
others who applied to him for it, because it was not inclosed, and he
wishes, as he says, the land to be cultivated, and not remain waste.
But it is impossible that all the land bought in the first instance
for the purpose of being cultivated by the purchasers or their heirs,
as they generally buy a large tract with that object, can be put in
fence immediately and kept so, much less be cultivated. He has also
curtailed all the farms in the free colony of Rentselaerswyck, as well
as their privileges. Some persons being discouraged, and wishing to
leave for the purpose of going to live under Carteret, he threatened
to confiscate all their goods and effects. He said to others who came
to him and complained they could not live under these prohibitions:
"If they do not suit you, leave the country, and the sooner you do it
the better."

A certain poor carman had the misfortune to run over a child which
died. He fled, although the world pitied him, and excused him because
he could not have avoided it. The court, according to some law of
England, on account of his having seven sons, acquitted him, provided
his wife with her seven sons would go and prostrate themselves before
the governor, and ask pardon for their husband and father. The carman
was restored by the court to his business, which he began again to
exercise, when the governor, meeting him on his cart in the street,
asked him who had given him permission to ride again. The carman
replied: "My Lord, it is by permission and order of the court." "Come
down at once," the governor said, "and remember you do not attempt it
again during your life." Thus he violated the order of the court, and
the poor man had to seek some other employment to earn his bread.

A citizen of New York had a dog which was very useful to him. This dog
by accident went into the fort, where madam the governor's wife was
standing, and looked steadily at her, in expectation, perhaps, of
obtaining something from her, like a beggar. The lady was much
discomposed and disturbed, and related the circumstance to her
husband. The governor immediately caused inquiries to be made as to
the ownership of the dog, summoned his master before him, spoke to
him severely, and ordered him to kill the dog forthwith. The man was
very sorry for the dog, and endeavored to save him till the anger of
the governor was over. He placed him on board of a vessel sailing from
and to the city, so as to prevent his coming on land. The governor
being informed of this by some spy or informer, I know not whom, but
of such there is no lack, summoned the man again before him, and asked
him if he had killed his dog. The man answered he had not, but had
done thus and so, whereupon the governor reprimanded him severely,
imposed a heavy fine upon him, and required, I believe, two of his
sons to be security until he had killed the dog in the presence of
witnesses whom he would send for that purpose.

This will be enough, I think, to enable such as have understanding, to
comprehend him. As for us, we did not have much difficulty in
interpreting him from the first. Grace and power have been given us to
act so that neither he nor any one else should have any hold upon us.
For as we were openly before the world, he had not much to do with us,
the more so as you could trust no one, because he has people
everywhere to spy and listen to everything, and carry what they hear
to him; so every one endeavors to stand well with him. In a word he is
very politic; being governor and, changeably, a trader, he appears
friendly because he is both; severe because he is avaricious; and well
in neither capacity because they are commingled. The Lord be praised
who has delivered us safely, and the more, because we were in every
one's eye and yet nobody knew what to make of us; we were an enigma to
all. Some declared we were French emissaries going through the land to
spy it out; others, that we were Jesuits travelling over the country
for the same purpose; some that we were Recollets, designating the
places where we had held mass and confession; others that we were sent
out by the Prince of Orange or the States of Holland, and as the
country was so easily conquered, to see what kind of a place it was,
and whether it was worth the trouble to endeavor to recover it, and
how many soldiers it would require to hold it; others again that we
had been sent out as principals to establish a new colony, and were
therefore desirous of seeing and examining everything. And thus each
one drifted along according to his wishes. The Papists believed we
were priests and we could not get rid of them; they would have us
confess them, baptize their children, and perform mass; and they
continued in this opinion. The Quakers said we were Quakers, because
we were not expensively dressed, and did not curse and swear, that we
were not willing to avow ourselves as such; but they were jealous
because we had not associated with them. Some said we were Mennonists;
others that we were Brownists, and others again that we were David
Jorists.[396] Every one had his own opinion, and no one the truth.
Some accused us of holding conventicles or meetings, and even at the
magistrate's or burgomaster's, and named the place where and the
persons who attended them, some of whom were required to purge
themselves of the charge, and others were spoken to in a different
way. It was all finally found to be false, and that they were
mistaken, though few of them were cured of their opinion. The
ministers caused us to be suspected; the world and the godless hated
and shunned us; the hypocrites envied and slandered us; but the simple
and upright listened to us and loved us; and God counselled and
directed us. May He be praised and glorified by all His children to
all eternity, for all that He is, and all that He does, for all that
He is doing for them, and all that He may do for them, to all

[Footnote 396: A sect of mystical and antinomian Anabaptists,
followers of David Joris of Delft (d. 1556); otherwise called
Familists, or the Family of Love.]

_12th, Wednesday._ Theunis came to our house and took leave of us with
great tenderness and with many tears, he committing us, and we him, to
God and His grace, recommending himself to our prayers and the prayers
of God's children--his beloved brothers and sisters, he said, to whom,
although he had never seen them, he requested us to make his
salutations.[397] In the evening Ephraim also came to take leave,
intending to go south in order to leave his wife there during her
confinement. We said to each of them what we deemed necessary.

[Footnote 397: Meaning the community of Wieuwerd.]

_13th, Thursday._ It was first announced that we were to leave on
Wednesday, then the following Saturday, afterwards on Tuesday, and
again on Thursday without fail. Finally we spoke to the skipper or
supercargo, Paddechal, who told us he could not leave before the
governor returned, who had some letters of importance to send by him.
This evening Annetje Sluys, of whom we have spoken,[398] came to see
us. She had some ambergris which she wanted us to take, but we did not
know what to do in regard to the terms. Among others, we made three
different propositions; namely, we would fix the price at eight pieces
of eight the ounce here, and would endeavor to sell it in Holland as
high as we could, and would take one-half of what it brought over that
valuation for our trouble, provided we could take our portion of the
profit out in ambergris at the current price; or, we would take it all
ourselves at eight pieces of eight the ounce to be paid for in
Holland; or, she should give us one ounce for our trouble and we would
sell the rest of it for her and send back the proceeds to her in
goods. The second proposition seemed to be the most profitable, if we
had a correct knowledge of the ambergris, but we had none at all; and
if it were not good it would be a great loss. The first proposition
might, or might not, yield us a profit, but it seemed to us too
tradesmanlike. It therefore remained with the last one. There were
twelve ounces of it good, or what we considered good, and four ounces
bad. One ounce was weighed off for us, and the rest was taken upon
that condition. My comrade gave her a receipt, acknowledging it was
received from her on such conditions, and she gave a memorandum of the
goods which she wanted for the proceeds.[399]

[Footnote 398: Not identified.]

[Footnote 399: At this point there is a break in the journal. See the
Introduction to the volume.]


_Until Our Arrival at Wywert, in Friesland_

1680, JUNE _19th, Wednesday._ We embarked at noon in the yacht of Mr.
Padechal, supercargo and captain, residing in Boston. The anchor was
weighed at last; but as we had to wait a long time for the governor's
yacht, the tide was nearly all spent. The wind was from the northwest.
The crew consisted of three men and a boy, besides the captain; but
there was another sailor on board who was a passenger. Many persons
came to escort the captain, and also a woman, who was going with us;
and as soon as they had gone we hastened to leave. The wind being
ahead, we tacked and towed, until we anchored at Hellgate, almost at
flood tide, at four o'clock, in the afternoon. The woman who was going
over with us was born at Rhode Island, in New England, and was the
wife of the captain of the _Margaret_, one of Frederick Flipsen's
ships. I have never in my whole life witnessed a worse, more foul,
profane, or abandoned creature. She is the third individual we have
met with from New England, and we remarked to each other, if the rest
of the people there are to be judged by them, we might perhaps do them
great injustice; for the first one from Boston whom we saw was a
sailor, or he passed for one, on board the ship in which we sailed
from the Fatherland. They called him the doctor, and if he were not or
had not been a charlatan, he resembled one; the second was our
skipper, Padechal, who had told us so many lies; and now this infamous
woman. They all belong to this people who, it is said, pretend to
special devoutness; but we found them, the sailor, and the rest, like
all other Englishmen, who, if they are not more detestable than the
Hollanders, are at least no better.

_20th, Thursday._ It was about ten o'clock in the forenoon before the
flood began to make. The wind was southwest, but light. We weighed
anchor and towed through Hellgate, when the wind and tide served us
until we passed Whitestone,[400] as far as which the tide, from the
direction of New York, usually reaches. We sailed bravely by and
obtained the ebb tide in our favor which carried us this evening
beyond Milford.

[Footnote 400: In the easterly part of Flushing, Long Island.]

_21st, Friday._ We had shot ahead very well during the night, with the
wind west and south-southwest, on a course due east, so that by
morning we reached the end of Long Island. The governor's yacht, which
had to stop at Fisher's Island, a little to the leeward of us, which
is subject to New England, but which the governor is now endeavoring
to bring under his authority, and for that purpose had sent his yacht
there with letters, left us this morning with a salute. We observed a
vessel ahead of us under sail, running before the wind, and we came up
to her about nine o'clock. She was a small flute from Milford, laden
with horses and bound for Barbados. We hailed her, and as her captain
was an acquaintance of our captain and an Independent, our captain
went on board of her, where he staid two hours. When he returned we
kept our course, and she sailed to the south in order to get to sea.
As soon as we reached the end of Long Island, they began to throw
their fish lines, and continued to catch mackerel all day long. I
think the European mackerel are better and fatter. We came to an
island called Maertens Wingaert,[401] about four o'clock in the
afternoon, having the Elizabeth Islands on the larboard and sailing
between the two, with our course easterly and a lighter wind. Our
captain had prayers every evening, performed in this way. The people
were called together, and then, without anything being spoken
previously, he read a chapter, then a psalm or part of one was sung,
after that they all turned their backs to each other, half kneeling,
when a common formulary of prayer was said which was long enough, but
irreverently enough delivered. It was not done mornings. From what I
have experienced the Hollanders perform it better, are more strict
mornings and evenings, and more devout.

[Footnote 401: Martha's Vineyard. They sailed through Vineyard Sound.]

There was no moon, and the weather was cloudy. We continued sailing
onward until two o'clock after midnight, when the captain going aloft
cried out, "Strike the sails! strike the sails! let them run! let
them run! we are on the rocks, let the anchor fall!" This startled me
so that I cannot tell how I reached the deck, and ran forward. I saw
we were indeed close upon a reef of rocks directly before us, and that
we were under considerable headway. We did our best to lower the
sails, and throw the anchor over. The headway was checked somewhat,
but the anchor would not hold. We found that the spritsail had caught
in the anchor-stock in consequence of the hurry in lowering the sail
and throwing anchor, but it was some time before we could discover
what was the matter and get the anchor loose; it then held fast in
three fathoms of water at a musket shot's distance from the reef and
about as far from the shore. We lay there until daylight on a lee
shore, but fortunately it did not blow hard.

_22d, Saturday._ As soon as the day broke, and we saw where we were,
we got under sail again with the wind, the same as before. In sailing
between the land, namely Maertens Wyngaert, and the reef, the course
is to the point of the island, running east-southeast in three and two
and a half fathoms till you have this point on the side, and then you
have passed the reef. We continued on until we reached the westerly
point of the island of Nantoeket, along which we sailed to the
easterly point, and thence due north until noon; but the flood tide
running in strong, and the vessel not being well steered, we were
carried to the west among the shoals. The weather was rather rough and
the atmosphere hazy, so that we could not see far. The shoals were
ahead of us, and we had only two fathoms, and even less, of water. The
captain and helmsman were confused, and hardly knew where they were.
This happened two or three times. In order to avoid the shoals, we had
to keep to the east. We were fearful we should strike upon them, and
it was therefore best to look out and keep free of them. About three
o'clock we caught sight of the main land of Cape Cod, to which we
sailed northerly. We arrived inside the cape about six o'clock, with a
tolerable breeze from the west, and at the same time saw vessels to
the leeward of us which had an east wind, from which circumstance we
supposed we were in a whirlwind. These two contrary winds striking
against each other, the sky became dark, and they whirled by each
other, sometimes the one, and sometimes the other being strongest,
compelling us to lower the sails several times. I have never seen such
a twisting and turning round in the air as at this time, the clouds
being driven against each other, and close to the earth. At last it
became calm and began to rain very hard, and to thunder and lighten
heavily. We drifted along the whole night in a calm, advancing only
twelve or sixteen miles.

_23d, Sunday._ A breeze blew up from the northeast. It was fortunate
for us that we arrived inside of Cape Cod yesterday evening, before
this unfavorable weather, as we should otherwise have been compelled
to put back to Rhode Island. We could now still proceed; and we laid
our course northwest to Boston. We arrived at the entrance of the
harbor at noon, where we found a considerable rolling sea caused by
the ebb tide and wind being against each other. There are about thirty
islands here, not large ones, through which we sailed, and reached
Boston at four o'clock in the afternoon, our captain running with his
yacht quite up to his house in the Milk-ditch.[402]

[Footnote 402: This seems to mean the creek which made in from the
cove at the foot of Milk Street.]

The Lord be praised, who has continued in such a fatherly manner to
conduct us, and given us so many proofs of His care over us; words are
wanting to express ourselves properly, more than occasions for them,
which we have had abundantly.

We permitted those most in haste to go ashore before us, and then went
ourselves. The skipper received us politely at his house, and so did
his wife; but as it was Sunday, which it seems is somewhat strictly
observed by these people, there was not much for us to do to-day. Our
captain, however, took us to his sister's where we were welcome, and
from there to his father's, an old corpulent man, where there was a
repetition of the worship, which took place in the kitchen while they
were turning the spit, and busy preparing a good supper. We arrived
while they were engaged in the service, but he did not once look up.
When he had finished, they turned round their backs, and kneeled on
chairs or benches. The prayer was said loud enough to be heard three
houses off, and also long enough, if that made it good. This done, he
wished us and his son welcome, and insisted on our supping with him,
which we did. There were nine or ten persons at the table. It being
in the evening, and we strangers, Mr. Padechal requested us to lodge
with him this night, as we did, intending in the morning to look out
for accommodations. We were taken to a fine large chamber, but we were
hardly in bed before we were shockingly bitten. I did not know the
cause, but not being able to sleep, I became aware it was bed-bugs, in
such great numbers as was inconceivable. My comrade, who was very
sleepy, fell asleep at first. He tumbled about very much; but I did
not sleep any the whole night. In the morning we saw how it was, and
were astonished we should find such a room with such a lady.

But before we part from the East River, we must briefly describe it.
We have already remarked that it is incorrect to call this stream a
river, as both ends of it run into the sea. It is nothing but salt
water, an arm of the sea, embracing Long Island. It begins at the
Little Bay of the North River, before the city of New York, pouring
its waters with those of the North River into the sea, between Sandy
Hook and Coney Island. In its mouth before the city, and between the
city and Red Hook, on Long Island, lies Noten Island[403] opposite the
fort, the first place the Hollanders ever occupied in this bay. It is
now only a farm with a house and a place upon it where the governor
keeps a parcel of sheep. From the city, or from this island, the river
runs easterly to Correlaers Hoeck and the Wale Bocht, where it is so
narrow they can readily hear one another calling across it. A little
west of Correlaers Hoeck, a reef of rocks stretches out towards the
Wale Bocht, half way over, on which at low tide there is only three or
four feet of water, more or less. The river then runs up northerly to
Hellgate, where there is an island, in front of which on the south
side are two rocks, covered at high water, and close to the island,
besides others which can be easily seen. Hellgate is nothing more than
a bend of the river, which, coming up north, turns thence straight to
the east. It is narrow here, and in the middle of the bend or elbow
lie several large rocks. On either side it is wider, consequently the
current is much stronger in the narrow part; and as it is a bend the
water is checked, and made to eddy, and then, striking these rocks, it
must make its way to one side or the other, or to both; but it cannot
make its way to both, because it is a crooked bay, and therefore it
pursues its course until it is stopped on the opposite side of the
bay, to which it is driven, so much the more because it encounters
these rocks on the way. Now between the rocks there is no current, and
behind them it is still; and as the current for the most part is
forced from one side, it finds liberty behind these rocks, where it
makes a whirlpool. You must therefore be careful not to approach this
whirlpool, especially with small vessels, as you will be in danger of
being drawn under. It makes such a whirlpit and whistling that you can
hear it for a quarter of an hour's distance, but this is when the tide
is ebbing, and only, and mostly, when it is running the strongest. The
river continues from thence easterly, forming several islands,
generally on the left-hand side, although there are some in a large
bay on the right. When you have passed the large bay of Flushing,
which is about eight miles from Hellgate, or rather, as soon as you
get round the point, and begin to see an opening, you must keep well
to the northeast, in order to sail clear of a long ledge of rocks,
some of which stick out of the water like the Lizard in the Channel
near Falmouth. After you have passed this you sail easterly along the
shore without anything in the way. There are islands here and there,
near the land, but they are not large. The end of Long Island, which
is one hundred and forty-four miles long, runs off low and sandy.
Continuing east you pass Plum Island, which is about four miles in
length. Behind the bay of Long Island called the Cromme Gouwe[404]
there are several small islands, Gardiner's Island and others. At the
east point of Plum Island there is a reef, or some small rocks, but
keeping on to the eastward, you sail far enough from them. From Plum
Island to Adriaen Blocx Island[405] the course is east a distance of
twenty or twenty-two miles. This island is eight miles long. Thence to
Maertens Wingaert the distance is fifty-two to fifty-six miles further
east, and Blockx Island is hardly out of sight when you see Maertens
Wingaert. Between Plum Island and Blockx Island you leave Fisher's
Island to the north, nearest Plum Island; and between Blockx Island
and Maertens Wingaert you leave on the coast Rhode Island, which does
not lie within the coast, as the chart indicates, but outside, and
lies nearest Maertens Wingaert. With Maertens Wingaert begin the
Elizabeth Islands, which consist of six or seven islands lying in a
row, close to each other, towards the coast. The width between
Maertens Wingaert and the Elizabeth Islands is eight miles. There is a
fine sound or strait for sailing between them, although Maertens
Wingaert is somewhat longer. This island is about twenty-eight miles
in length towards the east. A little within the east point of it a
reef of rocks stretches out three miles from the shore, so that it is
best to keep nearest the Elizabeth Islands, although there is room
enough between Maertens Wingaert and the reef to sail through with
large ships, as there is three and two and a half fathoms of water at
low tide. At the westerly point of the Elizabeth Islands there are
several rocks, one large and several small ones, called after their
fashion, the Sow and Pigs. There is a beautiful bay, and anchorage
ground on the east end of Maertens Wingaert.[406] From this point of
Maertens Wingaert the course is east-southeast about twenty miles, to
Nantocket upon the west point of which there is a good bay with
anchorage ground. The land is low and sandy; it is fourteen or sixteen
miles long. There are several shoals outside in the sea, and also
inside between the island and the main land, but they do not run out
beyond the east point. When you have the east point to the
west-southwest of you, steer straight north to Cape Cod, about
twenty-eight miles; but you must here time the tides, which run strong
east and west; the flood to the west, and the ebb to the east. The
flood tide pulls to the shoals, and the ebb tide on the contrary sets
eastwardly to the sea. Cape Cod is a clean coast, where there are no
islands, rocks or banks, and therefore all such laid down on the
charts of the great reef of Malebarre and otherwise are false. Indeed,
within four, eight and twelve miles, there is sixty to sixty-five
fathoms of water. This cape or coast is about twenty-eight miles long
due north; and from thence to Cape Ann it is also due north, but to
Boston it is northwest. There are many small islands before Boston,
well on to fifty, I believe, between which you sail on to the city. A
high one, or the highest, is the first that you meet. It is twelve
miles from the city, and has a lighthouse[407] upon it which you can
see from a great distance, for it is in other respects naked and bare.
In sailing by this island, you keep it on the west side; on the other
side there is an island with many rocks upon and around it, and when
you pass by it you must be careful, as a shoal pushes out from it,
which you must sail round. You have then an island in front, in the
shape of a battery, which also you leave on the larboard, and then you
come in sight of the island upon which the fort stands, and where the
flag is flown when ships are entering.[408] That, too, lies to the
larboard, and you pass close enough to it for them to hail the ship,
what you are, from whence you came, and where you are bound, etc. When
you are there you see the city lying directly before you; and so you
sail into the bay before the town, and cast anchor. There is a high
hill in the city,[409] also with a lighthouse upon it, by which you
can hold your course in entering.

[Footnote 403: Governor's Island.]

[Footnote 404: "The crooked bay," _i.e._, Peconic Bay.]

[Footnote 405: Block Island, discovered by Adrian Block. The
journalist is wrong as to Rhode Island not lying within the coast.]

[Footnote 406: Vineyard Haven.]

[Footnote 407: It can hardly have been more than a beacon. The first
lighthouse was built in pursuance of an act of 1715, the preamble of
which begins, "Whereas we want of a lighthouse at the entrance of the
harbour of Boston hath been a great discouragement to navigation,"
etc. The new lighthouse was to be erected "on the southermost point of
Great Brewster, called Beacon Island."]

[Footnote 408: George's Island; next, Castle Island, with the "castle"
first built in 1635.]

[Footnote 409: Beacon Hill.]

_24th, Monday._ We walked with our captain into the town, for his
house stood a little one side of it, and the first house he took us to
was a tavern. From there, he conducted us to the governor, who dwelt
in only a common house, and that not the most costly. He is an old
man, quiet and grave.[410] He was dressed in black silk, but not
sumptuously. Paddechal explained the reasons of our visit. The
governor inquired who we were, and where from, and where we were
going. Paddechal told him we were Hollanders, and had come on with him
from New York, in order to depart from here for England. He asked
further our names, which we wrote down for him. He then presented us a
small cup of wine, and with that we finished. We went then to the
house of one John Tayller, or merchant tailor,[411] to whom William
van Cleyf had recommended us; but we did not find him. We wanted to
obtain a place where we could be at home, and especially to ascertain
if there were any Dutchmen. They told us of a silversmith who was a
Dutchman, and at whose house the Dutch usually went to lodge. We went
in search of him, but he was not at home. At noon we found this
merchant tailor, who appeared to be a good sort of a person. He spoke
tolerably good French, and informed us there was a ship up for England
immediately, and another in about three weeks. The first was too soon
for us, and we therefore thought it best to wait for the other. We
also found the silversmith, who bade us welcome. His name was Willem
Ros, from Wesel. He had married an Englishwoman, and carried on his
business here. He told us we might come and lodge with him, if we
wished, which we determined to do; for to lie again in our last
night's nest was not agreeable to us. We exchanged some of our money,
and obtained six shillings and sixpence each for our ducatoons, and
ten shillings each for the ducats. We went accordingly to lodge at the
goldsmith's, whom my comrade knew well, though he did not recollect my
comrade.[412] We were better off at his house, for although his wife
was an Englishwoman, she was quite a good housekeeper.

[Footnote 410: Simon Bradstreet, elected in May, 1679, was governor of
Massachusetts till 1686--the last governor under the old charter. He
had come out in 1630, and was now seventy years old.]

[Footnote 411: Original, "Jan Tayller of [Dutch for _or_] Marchand
Tayller." No John Taylor of Boston answering to the description has
been identified.]

[Footnote 412: Sluyter was from Wesel, on the Rhine. Though it was a
German town, many of its inhabitants were Dutch (like Peter Minuit)
and Walloon.]

_25th, Tuesday._ We went in search of Mr. Paddechal this morning and
paid him for our passage here, twenty shillings New England currency,
for each of us. We wanted to obtain our goods, but they were all too
busy then, and promised they would send them to us in the city the
next day. We inquired after Mr. John Pigon, to whom Mr. Robert
Sanders, of Albany, promised to send Wouter the Indian, with a letter,
but he had received neither the letter nor the Indian; so that we must
offer up our poor Indian to the pleasure of the Lord. We also went to
look after the ship, in which we were going to leave for London. We
understood the name of the captain was Jan Foy. The ship was called
the _Dolphin_, and mounted sixteen guns.[413] Several passengers were
engaged. There was a surgeon in the service of the ship from
Rotterdam, named Johan Owins, who had been to Surinam[414] and
afterwards to the island of Fayal,[415] from whence he had come here,
and now wished to go home. There was also a sailor on board the ship
who spoke Dutch, or was a Dutchman. The carpenter was a Norwegian who
lived at Flushing.

[Footnote 413: Captain John Foy appears in the records of the court of
assistants, as still master of the _Dolphin_, in 1691.]

[Footnote 414: A Dutch settlement in Guiana, owned at this time by the
province of Zeeland; the present Dutch Guiana.]

[Footnote 415: In the Azores.]

_26th, Wednesday._ We strove hard to get our goods home, for we were
fearful, inasmuch as our trunk was on deck, and it had rained, and a
sea now and then had washed over it, that it might be wet and ruined;
but we did not succeed, and Paddechal in this exhibited again his
inconsiderateness, and little regard for his promise. We resolved to
take it out the next day, go as it would.

_27th, Thursday._ We went to the Exchange in order to find the
merchant tailor, and also the skipper, which we did. We agreed for our
passage at the usual price of six pounds sterling for each person,
with the choice of paying here or in England; but as we would have
less loss on our money here, we determined to pay here. After 'change
was over there was preaching,[416] to which we had intended to go; but
as we had got our goods home, after much trouble, and found several
articles wet and liable to be spoiled, we had to stay and dry them.

[Footnote 416: The Thursday Lecture.]

_28th, Friday._ One of the best ministers in the place being very
sick, a day of fasting and prayer was observed in a church near by our
house. We went into the church, where, in the first place, a minister
made a prayer in the pulpit, of full two hours in length; after which
an old minister delivered a sermon an hour long, and after that a
prayer was made, and some verses sung out of the Psalms. In the
afternoon, three or four hours were consumed with nothing except
prayers, three ministers relieving each other alternately; when one
was tired, another went up into the pulpit.[417] There was no more
devotion than in other churches, and even less than at New York; no
respect, no reverence; in a word, nothing but the name of
Independents; and that was all.

[Footnote 417: This fast is not noted in the elaborate list in Mr.
Love's _Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England_. The Old South
Church had a fast on June 29, O.S., but this was June 28, N.S.]

_29th, Saturday._ To-day a captain arrived from New York, named Lucas,
who had sailed from there last Friday. He said no ships had arrived
there from Europe, and that matters remained as we left them. There
was a report that another governor was coming to New York, and it was
said he was a man who was much liked in Boston; that many complaints
had been made against the other one, such as oppressing the people,
imposing high duties when his instructions provided they should not be
more than two per cent., I believe, rendering a false account, in
which he had charged a dock as having been made at a cost of
twenty-eight pounds sterling which had not cost a cent, as the
citizens had constructed it themselves, etc.[418] This will perhaps
cause some change in these parts and relieve the people. Lucas brought
with him the sister and brother-in-law of Ephraim's wife, recently
married, but we had never spoken to them.[419]

[Footnote 418: There was an official inquiry into these charges. See
accusation and defense in _N.Y. Col. Doc._, III. 302, 308.]

[Footnote 419: The bridegroom was Captain Theunis de Key (b. 1659),
son of Jacob Theuniszen van Tuyl of New York. The bride was Helena van
Brugh, half-sister of Elizabeth Rodenburg, being the daughter of the
latter's mother Catharina Roelofs by her second husband, Johannes
Pieterszen van Brugh of Haarlem and later of New York.]

_30th, Sunday._ We went to church, but there was only one minister in
the pulpit, who made a prayer an hour long, and preached the same
length of time, when some verses were sung. We expected something
particular in the afternoon, but there was nothing more than usual.

JULY _1st, Monday._ We wrote to De la Grange, at New York, concerning
our letters from Europe, and also to Robert Sanders, at Albany, in
relation to Wouter.

_2d, Tuesday._ We had a conversation with the captain at the Exchange.
He intended to sail round Ireland, which suited us very well, for
although it was said the Hollanders were at peace with the Turks,
there were many English vessels taken by them daily, and under such
circumstances we ran some danger of being plundered, fighting with
them, and perhaps being carried into Barbary. It was therefore better
to go around, although it would be late. We went on board the ship
with the captain, in order to look through her. She pleased us very
much, as she was larger than the _Charles_, in which we came over. We
bespoke a berth in the gunner's room, on the starboard side. The ship
was said to be a good sailer, and the captain to be one of the most
discreet navigators of this country. All that was agreeable to us. In
the evening Ephraim's wife's sister and her husband called upon us,
but they were not much in a state to be spoken to, in regard to what
was most necessary for them, nor was there much opportunity.

_3d, Wednesday._ Our captain said he would leave a week from to-day.
Nothing further occurred.

_4th, Thursday._ Nothing transpired.

_5th, Friday._ In the afternoon Thomas [Theunis] De Key and his wife,
half-sister of Elizabeth Roodenburgh, came to visit us, but we
conversed little about religious matters, following the providence of
the Lord.

_6th, Saturday._ Nothing occurred.

_7th, Sunday._ We heard preaching in three churches, by persons who
seemed to possess zeal, but no just knowledge of Christianity. The
auditors were very worldly and inattentive. The best of the ministers
whom we have yet heard is a very old man, named Mr. John Eliot,[420]
who has charge of the instruction of the Indians in the Christian
religion. He has translated the Bible into their language. After we
had already made inquiries of the booksellers for this Bible, and
there was none to be obtained in Boston, and they told us if one was
to be had, it would be from Mr. Eliot, we determined to go on Monday
to the village where he resided, and was the minister, called
Rocsberry [Roxbury]. Our landlord had promised to take us, but was not
able to do so, in consequence of his having too much business. We
therefore thought we would go alone and do what we wanted.

[Footnote 420: Rev. John Eliot (1604-1690), the Apostle to the
Indians, came over to Massachusetts in 1631 and in 1632 was ordained
as "teacher" of the church of Roxbury. He soon engaged in efforts to
Christianize the Indians, and in 1646 began to preach to them in their
own tongue. He formed a community and church of "praying Indians" at
Natick, and others elsewhere. His translation of the Bible into the
dialect of the Massachusetts Indians was completed in 1658. The first
edition of the New Testament, printed at Cambridge, was issued in
1661, the whole Bible (Old Testament of 1663, New Testament of 1661
imprint, and metrical version of the Psalms) in 1663.]

JULY _8th, Monday._ We went accordingly, about six o'clock in the
morning, to Rocxberry, which is three-quarters of an hour from the
city, in order that we might get home early, inasmuch as our captain
had informed us, he would come in the afternoon for our money, and in
order that Mr. Eliot might not be gone from home. On arriving at his
house, he was not there, and we therefore went to look around the
village and the vicinity. We found it justly called Rocxberry, for it
was very rocky, and had hills entirely of rocks. Returning to his
house we spoke to him, and he received us politely. As he could speak
neither Dutch nor French, and we spoke but little English, we were
unable to converse very well; however, partly in Latin, partly in
English, we managed to understand each other. He was seventy-seven
years old,[421] and had been forty-eight years in these parts. He had
learned very well the language of the Indians, who lived about there.
We asked him for an Indian Bible. He said in the late Indian war, all
the Bibles and Testaments were carried away, and burnt or destroyed,
so that he had not been able to save any for himself; but a new
edition was in press, which he hoped would be much better than the
first one, though that was not to be despised. We inquired whether any
part of the old and new edition could be obtained by purchase, and
whether there was any grammar of their language in English. Thereupon
he went and brought us one of the Old Testaments in the Indian
language, and also almost the whole of the New Testament, made up with
some sheets of the new edition of the New Testament, so that we had
the Old and New Testaments complete.[422] He also brought us two or
three small specimens of the grammar. We asked him what we should pay
him for them; but he desired nothing. Thereupon we presented him our
_Declaration_ in Latin,[423] and informed him about the persons and
conditions of the church whose declaration it was, and about Madam
Schurman[424] and others, with which he was delighted, and could not
restrain himself from praising God the Lord, that had raised up men,
and reformers, and begun the reformation in Holland. He deplored the
decline of the church in New England, and especially in Boston, so
that he did not know what would be the final result. We inquired how
it stood with the Indians, and whether any good fruit had followed his
work. Yes, much, he said, if we meant true conversion of the heart;
for they had in various countries, instances of conversion, as they
called it, and had seen it amounted to nothing at all; that they must
not endeavor, like scribes and Pharisees, to make Jewish proselytes,
but true Christians. He could thank God, he continued, and God be
praised for it, there were Indians whom he knew, who were truly
converted of heart to God, and whose profession, he believed, was
sincere. It seemed as if he were disposed to know us further, and we
therefore said to him, if he had any desire to write to our sort of
people, he could use the names which stood on the title-page of the
_Declaration_, and that we hoped to come and converse with him again.
He accompanied us as far as the jurisdiction of Roxbury extended,
where we parted from him.

[Footnote 421: Eliot was not quite seventy-six.]

[Footnote 422: The first edition of the whole Bible seems to have been
1040 copies, of the separate New Testament, 500. Many copies were lost
or destroyed in the Indian war of 1675-1676; but 16 copies now
existing of the New Testament, and 39 of the Bible, in this first
edition, are listed in Mr. Wilberforce Eames's bibliography. In 1677
Eliot began to prepare a revised edition of the whole work. It was
published in 1685. The printing of the New Testament portion was begun
in 1680 and finished in the autumn or winter of 1681; the printing of
the Old Testament was not begun until 1682.

Wonderful to relate, the identical copy of the Old Testament (edition
of 1663, and metrical Psalms) which Eliot presented to Danckaerts and
Sluyter is still in existence, in the library of the Zeeland Academy
of Sciences at Middelburg in the Netherlands. It lacks the title-page,
but in its place contains the following manuscript note. See the
_Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society, XIII. 307-310,
and the Dutch pamphlet there named.

"All the Bibles of the Christian Indians were burned or destroyed by
these heathen savages. This one alone was saved; and from it a new
edition, with improvements, and an entirely new translation of the New
Testament, was undertaken. I saw at Roccsberri, about an hour's ride
from Boston, this Old Testament printed, and some sheets of the New.
The printing-office was at Cambridge, three hours' ride from Boston,
where also there was a college of students, whether of savages or of
other nations. The Psalms of David are added in the same metre.

"At Roccsberri dwelt Mr. Hailot, a very godly preacher there. He was
at this time about seventy years old. His son was a preacher at
Boston. This good old man was one of the first Independent preachers
to settle in these parts, seeking freedom. He was the principal
translator and director of the printing of both the first and second
editions of this Indian Bible. Out of special zeal and love he gave me
this copy of the first edition, for which I was, and shall continue,
grateful to him. This was in June, 1680.

"Jasper Danckaerts."]

[Footnote 423: The Labadists' declaration of their orthodoxy and of
their reasons for separating themselves from the national (Dutch
Reformed) church was first issued in French, in 1669. Two editions of
a Dutch translation were published: the first, "translated from the
French by N.N.," at Amsterdam in 1671; the second, "translated from
the French by P. Sluiter," at Herford in 1672, both by the same
printer. Of the former, there is a copy in the library of Haverford
College; of the latter, in the New York Public Library. Two editions
in German are also known (Herford, 1671, 1672). The Latin, here
referred to, is entitled "Protestatio Sincera Purae et Verae
Reformatae Doctrinae Generalisque Orthodoxiae Johannis de Labadie,"
and is to be found in the book _Veritas sui Vindex, seu Solemnis Fidei
Declaratio Joh. de Labadie, Petri Yvon, Petri du Lignon, Pastorum_,
etc. [the Dutch and German have also the names of "Henry and Peter
Sluiter, preachers," on the title-page] (Herford, 1672).]

[Footnote 424: Anna Maria van Schurman (1607-1678), a woman of
prodigious learning, held in the highest esteem by literary
contemporaries in Holland as well as other lands. She renounced her
literary associations to affiliate herself with Jean de Labadie and
his followers, shared their fortunes at Amsterdam, Herford, Altona,
and Wieuwerd, where William Penn visited her in 1677; and died among
them at Wieuwerd in 1678.]

_9th, Tuesday._ We started out to go to Cambridge, lying to the
northeast of Boston, in order to see their college and printing
office. We left about six o'clock in the morning, and were set across
the river at Charlestown. We followed a road which we supposed was the
right one, but went full half an hour out of the way, and would have
gone still further, had not a negro who met us, and of whom we
inquired, disabused us of our mistake. We went back to the right road,
which is a very pleasant one. We reached Cambridge about eight
o'clock. It is not a large village, and the houses stand very much
apart. The college building is the most conspicuous among them. We
went to it, expecting to see something unusual, as it is the only
college, or would-be academy of the Protestants in all America, but we
found ourselves mistaken. In approaching the house we neither heard
nor saw anything mentionable; but, going to the other side of the
building, we heard noise enough in an upper room to lead my comrade to
say, "I believe they are engaged in disputation." We entered and went
up stairs, when a person met us, and requested us to walk in, which we
did. We found there eight or ten young fellows, sitting around,
smoking tobacco, with the smoke of which the room was so full, that
you could hardly see; and the whole house smelt so strong of it that
when I was going up stairs I said, "It certainly must be also a
tavern."[425] We excused ourselves, that we could speak English only a
little, but understood Dutch or French well, which they did not.
However, we spoke as well as we could. We inquired how many professors
there were, and they replied not one, that there was not enough money
to support one. We asked how many students there were. They said at
first, thirty, and then came down to twenty; I afterwards understood
there are probably not ten. They knew hardly a word of Latin, not one
of them, so that my comrade could not converse with them. They took us
to the library where there was nothing particular. We looked over it a
little. They presented us with a glass of wine. This is all we
ascertained there. The minister of the place goes there morning and
evening to make prayer, and has charge over them; besides him, the
students are under tutors or masters.[426] Our visit was soon over,
and we left them to go and look at the land about there. We found the
place beautifully situated on a large plain, more than eight miles
square, with a fine stream in the middle of it, capable of bearing
heavily laden vessels. As regards the fertility of the soil, we
consider the poorest in New York superior to the best here. As we were
tired, we took a mouthful to eat, and left. We passed by the printing
office, but there was nobody in it; the paper sash however being
broken, we looked in, and saw two presses with six or eight cases of
type. There is not much work done there. Our printing office is well
worth two of it, and even more.[427] We went back to Charlestown,
where, after waiting a little, we crossed over about three o'clock. On
our way home our skipper, John Foy, met us; we spoke to him, and in
our respective names, paid him the money for our passage, six pounds
each. He wished to give us a bill of it, but we told him it was
unnecessary, as we were people of good confidence. I spoke to my
comrade, and we went out with him, and presented him with a glass of
wine. His mate came to him there, who looked more like a merchant than
a seaman, a young man and no sailor. We inquired how long our
departure would be delayed, and, as we understood him, it would be the
last of the coming week. That was annoying to us. Indeed, we have
found the English the same everywhere, doing nothing but lying and
cheating, if it but serves their interest. Being in the house again,
Ephraim's brother-in-law, Mr. De Key, and his wife made us a visit.

[Footnote 425: The first building of Harvard College, the building
"thought by some to be too gorgeous for a Wilderness, and yet too mean
in others apprehensions for a Colledg" (Johnson, _Wonder-Working
Providence_, p. 201), had partly tumbled down in 1677. The building
now visited was the "New College," the second Harvard Hall, built with
difficulty 1672-1682 and destroyed by fire in 1764. Edward Randolph,
in a report of October 12, 1676, writes: "New-colledge, built at the
publick charge, is a fair pile of brick building covered with tiles,
by reason of the late Indian warre not yet finished. It contains 20
chambers for students, two in a chamber; a large hall which serves for
a chappel; over that a convenient library." A picture of the building
may be seen in the _Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, XVIII. 318.]

[Footnote 426: Rev. Urian Oakes, minister of Cambridge, was at this
time acting president, and was installed as president in the next
month. There were apparently seventeen students in the college at this
time who subsequently graduated, and perhaps a few others. The library
no doubt contained more than a thousand, perhaps more than fifteen
hundred books.]

[Footnote 427: The allusion is to the printing-office at Wieuwerd,
which Dittelbach, _Verval en Val der Labadisten_ (Amsterdam, 1692), p.
50, says was a very costly one. The Labadists had everywhere
maintained their own printer, Loureins Autein going with them in that
capacity from Amsterdam to Herford. As to the building occupied by the
famous Cambridge press, Randolph mentions "a small brick building
called the Indian colledge, where some few Indans did study, but now
it is a printing house." Printing here was this year at a low ebb;
nothing is known to have been printed but the second edition of
Eliot's Indian New Testament.]

_10th, Wednesday._ We heard that our captain expected to be ready the
first of the week.

_11th, Thursday._ Nothing occurred.

_12th, Friday._ We went in the afternoon to Mr. John Teller's, to
ascertain whether he had any good wine, and to purchase some for our
voyage, and also some brandy. On arriving at his house, we found him a
little cool; indeed, not as he was formerly. We inquired for what we
wanted, and he said he had good Madeira wine, but he believed he had
no brandy, though he thought he could assist us in procuring it. We
also inquired how we could obtain the history and laws of this place.
At last it came out. He said we must be pleased to excuse him if he
did not give us admission to his house; he durst not do it, in
consequence of there being a certain evil report in the city
concerning us; they had been to warn him not to have too much
communication with us, if he wished to avoid censure; they said we
certainly were Jesuits, who had come here for no good, for we were
quiet and modest, and an entirely different sort of people from
themselves; that we could speak several languages, were cunning and
subtle of mind and judgment, had come there without carrying on any
traffic or any other business, except only to see the place and
country; that this seemed fabulous as it was unusual in these parts;
certainly it could be for no good purpose. As regards the voyage to
Europe, we could have made it as well from New York as from Boston, as
opportunities were offered there. This suspicion seemed to have gained
more strength because the fire at Boston over a year ago was caused by
a Frenchman. Although he had been arrested, they could not prove it
against him; but in the course of the investigation, they discovered
he had been counterfeiting coin and had profited thereby, which was a
crime as infamous as the other. He had no trade or profession; he was
condemned; both of his ears were cut off; and he was ordered to leave
the country.[428] Mr. Tailler feared the more for himself,
particularly because almost all strangers were addressed to him, as we
were, in consequence of his speaking several languages, French, some
Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, etc., and could aid them. There
had also some time ago a Jesuit arrived here from Canada, who came to
him disguised, in relation to which there was much murmuring, and they
wished to punish this Jesuit, not because he was a Jesuit, but because
he came in disguise, which is generally bad and especially for such as
are the pests of the world, and are justly feared, which just hate we
very unjustly, but as the ordinary lot of God's children, had to
share. We were compelled to speak French, because we could not speak
English, and these people did not understand Dutch. There were some
persons in New York who could speak nothing but French, and very
little English. The French was common enough in these parts, but it
seemed that we were different from them. Of all this we disabused Mr.
Tailler, assuring him we were as great enemies of that brood as any
persons could be, and were, on the contrary, good Protestants or
Reformed, born and educated in that faith; that we spoke only Dutch
and French, except my companion, who could also speak Latin, and had
not come here to trade, but to examine the country, and perhaps some
morning or evening the opportunity might arrive for us to come over
with our families, when affairs in Europe, and especially in Holland,
might be settled, as the times there had been bad enough; that if they
would be pleased to listen to Mr. Eliot, the minister at Roxbury, he
could give them other testimony concerning us, as we had particularly
conversed with him. This seemed in some measure to satisfy him. I
think this bad report was caused by some persons who came from New
York, truly worldly men, whom we had not sought when we were there,
nor they us, and who, although they knew better, or at least ought to
have known better, yet out of hatred to the truth, and love of sin,
said of us what they conceived, and their corruption inclined them to
say. But the Lord who alone knows us rightly will forgive them, and
make Himself known to them if it pleases Him, and then they will know

[Footnote 428: The case is that of Peter Lorphelin, accused in
connection with the great fire of August 8-9, 1679, computed to have
resulted in a loss of two hundred thousand pounds. Found guilty of
clipping coin, he was punished as above; _Records of the Court of
Assistants_, I. 145. No real evidence seems to have connected him with
the fire.]

_13th, Saturday._ As we had promised Mr. Eliot to call upon him again,
we went to Roxbury this morning. We found him at home, but he excused
himself that he had not much time, and had a great deal to do. He
called his son, who was there, and who also appeared to be a
minister,[429] to speak with us; but we excused ourselves, and said we
would not hinder him and would rather leave. However, several
questions and reasons passed between us in relation to the Confession
which we had given him, and which he praised highly, and in relation
to the professors of it, both pastors and people, in regard to which
we satisfied him; but the son, who was neither as good nor as learned
as his father, had more disposition or inclination to ridicule and
dispute, than to edify and be edified. We told him what was good for
him, and we regretted we could not talk more particularly to him. But
the father remarked that if the professors were truly what they
declared in the Confession, he could not sufficiently thank God for
what He had done. We assured him it was so, and took our leave. He
requested us to stop and dine with him, but we excused ourselves.

[Footnote 429: Doubtless Benjamin Eliot, youngest son of the Apostle,
who assisted his father in his labors as pastor and as translator.]

_14th, Sunday._ We went to church, but heard a most miserable sermon
by a young person, a candidate.

_15th, Monday._ The burgesses drilled and exercised in the presence of
the governor. There were eight companies on foot, and one on
horseback, all which divided themselves into two troops or squadrons,
and operated against each other in a sham battle, which was well
performed.[430] It took place on a large plain on the side of the
city. It did not however terminate so well, but that a commander on
horseback was wounded on the side of his face near the eye, by the
shot of a fusil, as it is usually the case that some accident happens
on such occasions. It was so in New York at the last parade, when two
young men on horseback coming towards each other as hard as they
could, to discharge their pistols, dashed against each other, and fell
instantly with their horses. It was supposed they were both killed,
and also their horses, for there were no signs of life in them; but
they were bled immediately, and after two or three hours they began to
recover, and in two days were able to go out again. One of the horses
died. We went to see John Teller, and paid him for the wine and
brandy. He seemed to have more confidence in us. We gave him to read,
as further proofs, the letters which Mr. Ephraim Hermans and Mr. John
Moll had written to us from the South River, both of whom he knew. He
told us the Reformed of Rochelle had sent some deputies to the colony
of Boston and the Independent church there to request the liberty to
come over and live in a place near them, or among them, and in their
country, which was granted them; and that they returned home three
months ago.[431]

[Footnote 430: Detailed orders for this general training and
sham-fight, as executed in 1686 by eight companies of foot and four
troops of horse, may be seen in the _Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, XXXIII. 328-330.]

[Footnote 431: A dozen Huguenots came to Boston the next year, and in
1686 a settlement of them was formed at Oxford, Massachusetts.]

_16th, Tuesday._ We packed our goods in readiness to leave.

_17th, Wednesday._ We placed our goods on board ship.

_18th, Thursday._ We took leave of Mr. Teller, thanking him for his
attention and kindness, and presented him with a copy of our
_Cantiques Sacrés_,[432] for which he was thankful. We would
cheerfully have given him the _Maximes_[433] also, but our goods were
packed on board the ship, and we could not get at them. He was now of
a better mind and well satisfied, returning us our letters with
thanks. While we were sitting at table this noon, it thundered very
hard, whereupon one of the daughters of the woman of the house where
we were staying commenced to scream and cry. We asked her if she were
afraid of the thunder, upon which her mother inquired of us, if we
were not. We said no, but the word had scarcely escaped our lips
before there came a frightful clap, which seemed to cleave the heart
from the body, and entirely changed our ideas. My comrade, Mr.
Vorsman, turned as pale as a white sheet, and could hardly speak. I
was fearful he had met with some mishap, but he recovered himself. It
was said there had scarcely ever been heard there such thunder. One
man was killed, and two others not far from being so. These three
persons were running in a field, and two of them seeing and hearing
the weather lay down flat on the ground under a tree; the third man
played stout and brave, jeering at the others who called to him to
come with them. Soon the lightning struck him dead to the earth, and
separated the other two from each other. There was also a hard rock,
not far from our lodgings, split through.

[Footnote 432: Labadie's _Cantiques Sacrés_ are to be found in
_Fragmens de Quelques Poësies et Sentimens d'Esprit de M. Labadie_
(Amsterdam, 1678), but it would seem that they must also have been
issued separately.]

[Footnote 433: Labadie, _Abrégé du Véritable Christianisme Théorique
et Pratique, ou Recueil de Maximes Chrestiennes_ (Amsterdam, 1670).]

_19th, Friday, and 20th, Saturday._ Nothing occurred.

_21st, Sunday._ Coming out of the church, Mr. Teller spoke to us, and
invited us to dine with him, but we thanked him.

_22d, Monday._ We took our leave, and went on board the ship, which
was all ready to sail, except that they were waiting for the captain.

_23d, Tuesday._ After some delay the captain came on board with the
rest of the passengers, accompanied by many of their friends. Weighed
anchor at three o'clock in the afternoon, it being almost low water,
and set sail with a southwest and south-southwest wind. In passing the
fort we fired the salvo, which it answered; the pilot and the company
then left us and we put to sea. But before going further to sea we
must give a brief description of New England, and the city of Boston
in particular.

When New Netherland was first discovered by the Hollanders, the
evidence is that New England was not known; because the Dutch East
India Company then sought a passage by the west, through which to sail
to Japan and China; and if New England had been then discovered, they
would not have sought a passage there, knowing it to be the main land;
just as when New Netherland and New England did become known, such a
passage was sought no longer through them, but farther to the north
through Davis and Hudson straits. The Hollanders, when they discovered
New Netherland, embraced under that name and title all the coast from
Virginia or Cape Hinloopen eastwardly to Cape Cod, as it was then and
there discovered by them and designated by Dutch names, as
sufficiently appears by the charts. The English afterwards discovered
New England and settled there.[434] They increased so in consequence
of the great liberties and favorable privileges which the king granted
to the Independents, that they went to live not only west of Cape Cod
and Rhode Island, but also on Long Island and other places, and even
took possession of the whole of the Fresh River,[435] which the
Hollanders there were not able to prevent, in consequence of their
small force in New Netherland, and the scanty population. The English
went more readily to the west, because the land was much better there,
and more accessible to vessels, and the climate was milder; and also
because they could trade more conveniently with the Hollanders, and be
supplied by them with provisions. New England is now described as
extending from the Fresh River to Cape Cod and thence to Kennebec,
comprising three provinces or colonies: Fresh River or Connecticut,
Rhode Island and the other islands to Cape Cod, and Boston, which
stretches from thence north. They are subject to no one, but
acknowledge the king of England for their lord,[436] and therefore no
ships enter unless they have English passports or commissions. They
have free trade with all countries; but the return cargoes from there
to Europe go to England, except those which go secretly to Holland.
There is no toll or duty paid upon merchandise exported or imported,
nor is there any impost or tax paid upon land. Each province chooses
its own governor from the magistracy, and the magistrates are chosen
from the principal inhabitants, merchants or planters. They are all
Independents in matters of religion, if it can be called religion;
many of them perhaps more for the purposes of enjoying the benefit of
its privileges than for any regard to truth and godliness. I observed
that while the English flag or color has a red ground with a small
white field in the uppermost corner, where there is a red cross, they
have here dispensed with this cross in their colors, and preserved the
rest.[437] They baptize no children except those of the members of the
congregation. All their religion consists in observing Sunday, by not
working or going into the taverns on that day; but the houses are
worse than the taverns. No stranger or traveller can therefore be
entertained on a Sunday, which begins at sunset on Saturday, and
continues until the same time on Sunday. At these two hours you see
all their countenances change. Saturday evening the constable goes
round into all the taverns of the city for the purpose of stopping all
noise and debauchery, which frequently causes him to stop his search,
before his search causes the debauchery to stop. There is a penalty
for cursing and swearing, such as they please to impose, the witnesses
thereof being at liberty to insist upon it. Nevertheless you discover
little difference between this and other places. Drinking and fighting
occur there not less than elsewhere; and as to truth and true
godliness, you must not expect more of them than of others. When we
were there, four ministers' sons were learning the silversmith's

[Footnote 434: This is to ignore the voyages of Gosnold, Pring,
Weymouth, etc., and the settlement at Fort St. George in 1607.]

[Footnote 435: The Connecticut.]

[Footnote 436: The reading is _eer_, but _heer_ was of course
intended. The control by the English king was much more real than is
here indicated. The next sentence alludes to the Navigation Acts and
their evasion. As to customs, Edward Randolph had in 1678 been
appointed collector for New England, and had begun his conflict with
the Massachusetts authorities, but with little success thus far.
Land-taxes did in fact exist.]

[Footnote 437: On Endicott's cutting of the cross from the flag, in
1634, see Winthrop's _Journal_, in this series, I. 137, 174, 182.
Since the decision then reached (1636), the cross had been left out of
all ensigns in Massachusetts except that on Castle Island.]

The soil is not as fertile as in the west. Many persons leave there to
go to the Delaware and New Jersey. They manure their lands with heads
of fish. They gain their living mostly or very much by fish, which
they salt and dry for selling; and by raising horses, oxen, and cows,
as well as hogs and sheep, which they sell alive, or slaughtered and
salted, in the Caribbean Islands and other places. They are not as
good farmers as the Hollanders about New York.

As to Boston particularly, it lies in latitude 42° 20´ on a very fine
bay. The city is quite large, constituting about twelve companies. It
has three churches, or meeting houses, as they call them.[438] All the
houses are made of thin, small cedar shingles, nailed against frames,
and then filled in with brick and other stuff; and so are their
churches. For this reason these towns are so liable to fires, as have
already happened several times; and the wonder to me is, that the
whole city has not been burnt down, so light and dry are the
materials. There is a large dock in front of it constructed of wooden
piers, where the large ships go to be careened and rigged; the smaller
vessels all come up to the city. On the left-hand side across the
river lies Charlestown, a considerable place, where there is some
shipping. Upon the point of the bay, on the left hand, there is a
block-house, along which a piece of water runs, called the Milk
Ditch.[439] The whole place has been an island, but it is now joined
to the main land by a low road to Roxbury. In front of the town there
are many small islands, between which you pass in sailing in and out.
On one of the middlemost stands the fort, where the ships show their
passports. At low tide the water in the channel between the islands is
three and a half and four fathoms deep, in its shallowest part. You
sail from the city southeasterly to the fort, by passing Governor's
island on the larboard, and having passed the fort, you keep close to
the south, then southeast, and gradually more to the east to the sea.
On reaching the sea we set our course due east, with the wind
south-southeast, and made good progress.

[Footnote 438: The meeting-houses of the First Church, North Church,
and South Church (built 1640, 1650, 1672).]

[Footnote 439: The battery at the foot of Fort Hill, north of which a
cove and creek then ran to the foot of Milk Street. The narrow isthmus
to Roxbury existed when the first settlers came.]

_24th, Wednesday._ The wind and our course continued the same; but it
is to be observed, the compass here is a point and a half
northwesting. We spoke an English ship bound to Virginia. We found our
latitude [42°] 40´ north, and the distance we had sailed 96 miles.

_25th, Thursday._ The wind became more southerly, but we held our
course the same as before, or east by south. Latitude 42° 68´.
Distance reckoned to be 136 miles. The English ship which had remained
in company until now, left us. It began to blow so hard in the evening
that we had to reef the topsails and take in the mainsail, and proceed
with the mizzen-sail and foresail.

_26th, Friday._ The wind was due south, although it had been a little
more westerly during the night. We observed the latitude 42° 51´;
reckoned the distance run 96 miles.

We had stipulated, when we engaged our passage, to eat in the cabin,
but when we got to sea we did not do so. There were ten passengers
besides us two, and among them two females. These ten had jointly
bought a large quantity of provisions and groceries, and placed them
in the cabin, they having such power over the captain. We were
therefore compelled to remain outside, although we remonstrated. We
saw afterwards that it was the Lord's doings, who would not that we
should be in nearer communion with such wicked persons. We then
arranged to eat with the mate and another passenger above on the half
deck. We four brought together what provisions we had, and were well
satisfied with each other. We had to-day a good topsail breeze and
fine weather.

_27th, Saturday._ It was rainy during the night; and although our bunk
was in the gunner's room, it leaked in there very much. At sunrise it
cleared up a little. We could not obtain any observation, but supposed
the latitude was 43°. The course was east-southeast, the distance run
100 miles. As it was Saturday evening a hog was killed, there being
seven or eight on board the ship.

_28th, Sunday._ The weather was fine, with a westerly wind, but not an
entirely clear atmosphere.

Among the passengers in the cabin was a minister, an Independent, who
had formerly been in the East Indies, at Bantam on the island of Java.
He had been visiting his friends in New England, but undoubtedly could
not obtain any situation among them, and was returning to England in
order to sail if he could in the first ships back to the Indies. This
poor minister, every morning and evening, made a prayer, read some
chapters out of the Old and New Testaments, and sang a psalm, all
after the manner of the Independents. On Sundays he preached both in
the morning and afternoon, and we attended in order to avoid scandal
and dissipate as much as possible the breath of calumny.

We could not obtain any altitude to-day, in consequence of the haze.
Our course had been almost the whole night southeast by east and the
course was therefore east by south; the distance was upwards of eighty
miles. At noon it became calm, afterwards rainy, and in the evening
the wind changed to the northwest, but continued still....[440]

[Footnote 440: Several pages are here omitted, narrating nineteen days
of voyaging, but containing nothing of importance or of interest. The
_Dolphin's_ course was over the Newfoundland banks, and then around
the north of Scotland into the North Sea.]

[AUGUST, 1680] _17th, Saturday._ I slept very little last night in
consequence of the noise. We had sailed during the night a little to
the east, because our captain was afraid of falling on the island of
Bus,[441] as he was not much west of it, though according to our
reckoning he was to the east of it. We found our latitude was 57° 30´,
and therefore hoped to pass Bus and the rock Rockol.[442] We sailed on
several courses, but the one maintained was northeast by north. The
distance sailed was 100 miles....

[Footnote 441: Buss Island has a curious history. It was reported as
discovered in 1578, and again in 1668 and in 1671. An elaborate map of
it was then published, and for a hundred years it appeared on charts
of the North Atlantic as a considerable island, about lat. 58° N.,
long. 28° W. from Greenwich. But it has no existence and, though
volcanic subsidence is possible, it probably never did exist.]

[Footnote 442: Rockall, a lofty and rocky islet in the North Atlantic,
lat. 57° 36´ N., long. 13° 41´ W.]

_18th, Sunday._ We took an observation. Latitude 58° 30´. It was very
cold here and the days long. The wind continued northeast and
north-northeast, with hard weather, which caused us to take in our
sails, and about ten o'clock in the evening to tack about. I remained
on deck myself, in order to keep a lookout for the great rock Rockol.

_19th, Monday._ We obtained an observation at 57° 51´, and we still
more believed we were before the rock Rockol, which lies in 57° 40´:
but we put our hope and trust in God, committing ourselves into His

_20th, Tuesday._ It became gradually more still, and at last we could
sail east-northeast, and northeast. We had sailed 72 miles. We could
not take an observation.

_21st, Wednesday._ The wind was northwest, and our course east and
east by north, with little headway. We found the latitude 58° 10´; the
course held was east by north; the distance 40 miles. We, therefore,
supposed we were between Rockol and St. Kilda.[443] Towards evening
the wind shot from the north-northwest, so that we could sail
east-northeast, and afterwards northeast by east; but there was a
rolling sea, and, therefore, we could not go ahead much because it
came from the front. The wind however improved.

[Footnote 443: A remote island of the outer Hebrides, the westernmost
of the group.]

_22d, Thursday._ The wind was west-northwest, and the course northeast
by east, with the sea continuing to roll against us in front. We found
ourselves at noon in 59° 5´, at which we rejoiced, because we had to
enter the North Sea between the 59th and 60th degree. The distance
sailed was 88 miles upon several courses. At noon the course was set
northeast by east in order to sail above the island of little
Barro.[444] There was a small purse made up by the passengers, each
one contributing what he pleased, for the person who should first
discover land. We gave two shillings each. The minister would not give
anything. It seems that meanness is a peculiarity of this class of
people. This was done in order that the sailors might look out more
zealously for land, and so we might not fall upon land unexpectedly.
The purse was nailed to the mast, so that, being always in sight, it
might be a constant incentive, and whoever might first see land might
take it off. We were becalmed the whole night.

[Footnote 444: Apparently this does not mean the island of the
Hebrides now called Barra, but that called Bernera, west of
Lewis--Barra Major on some contemporary maps.]

_23d, Friday._ It was calm, beautiful weather. They thought they saw
land, so the sailors said, and that it was Barro, but I could observe
nothing. We also had greener water, and therefore supposed we were on
soundings. The deep lead was thrown, but at 200 fathoms it came short.
The latitude was 59° 34´, the wind northeast, and we sailed east, for
we were almost in the latitude of the south point of Shetland. We saw,
several times, quantities of spermaceti drifting, a yellowish fat,
which lies in the water, all together, but solid like the green scum
which floats in ditches. We also saw rockweed floating; and a small
land bird came on board the ship, from which we concluded we were
approaching land. The wind was more free, and after running out and in
it remained north-northeast. It blew so hard that the topsails had to
be reefed at first, and then taken in. We sailed sometimes east, then
east by north and east by south, and again east.

_24th, Saturday._ It blew very hard from the north-northeast
accompanied by rain, and we therefore could not ascertain the latitude
but reckoned we were in 59° 20´. The course was held half way between
east and south, which brought us near the before mentioned rocks. It
became calm at night.

_25th, Sunday._ It continued calm until noon. We obtained the
latitude, 59° 30´. Our progress was 40 miles, and the course a little
more north than east. At noon the wind was south and south-southeast,
with a fresh breeze. We saw this morning a flock of land birds, like
finches; also pigeons and small gulls, which keep themselves on the
shore. Towards evening it was very foggy. We sailed during the night

_26th, Monday._ It was tolerably good weather, but it soon came up
thick and rainy with a strong wind. We continued sailing east by
south. Calculated the distance 56 miles. We kept a good lookout, for
my reckoning upon the one chart was out and differed from the other 32
miles. The Lord protects us from disaster, and will guide us further,
as we fully trust in Him.

_27th, Tuesday._ We had not had during the whole voyage such hard
weather as during this night. The wind was southeast and
south-southeast, with a thick mist and rain, which at last made us lie
by, with only the mizzen sail, in a hard short sea which tossed and
pitched us. We saw all day many land and sea birds which caused us to
look out carefully for land. The distance made was 84 miles. At
evening the wind was south-southwest, whereby we sailed or drifted
east by south and south-southeast until day.

_28th, Wednesday._ It was better weather, and we again began to sail.
The wind was southwest. The lower sails were well reefed, but we
shipped several heavy seas. The sea rolled the whole day. It was lucky
for a sailor that the Lord preserved him from being washed overboard
by an over-breaking sea; it was a narrow escape, but in floating off
he caught a rope or something, to which he clung and was saved. We saw
much sea-weed, and whole flocks of rock and land birds, and also a
species of ducks and geese, besides another kind of bird. Fish lines
were made ready, but we could catch nothing. The latitude was 59° 51´,
which was a good height and encouraged us. We sailed still
east-southeast on a maintained east course.

_29th, Thursday._ While we were at prayer this morning, "Land! Land!"
was called out; and although these prayers were so drowsy and
miserable, especially for us, who were opposed to their doctrines, I
had to restrain and mortify myself by not going up on deck, as several
did, and almost all wished to do. It was the gunner who first
discovered land, and took from the mast the little purse, in which he
found 28 shillings and 6 pence sterling, that is, fifteen guilders and
fourteen stivers, a good day's wages. The land we saw was the Orkney
Islands, 28 to 32 miles south-southeast of us, which we sketched as
well as we could. About two hours afterwards we saw very high land in
front of us to the leeward, which we supposed at first was
Fairhill,[445] an easy mistake to make, as we had made our latitude
59° 48´, but we soon saw other land in front on the starboard, and we
now discovered that the land to the larboard was the rock Falo, and
that on the starboard was Fairhill, which agreed very well with our
latitude. I sat on the main yard to observe how the land rose up, and
while there saw a vessel or a sail, which soon caused great
consternation on board of our ship, and still more when I said there
were two of them. They were afraid they were Turks; and so much did
this idea blind them that eyes, understanding, and reason had no
office to perform. These small vessels were certainly large ships and
Turks. Everything was put out of the way; many did not know what they
were doing from fear, which increased greatly, when they saw one of
the vessels coming towards us before the wind. It was all hurly-burly,
and every one was ordered immediately to quarters. I was very busy,
our place being on the quarter-deck where there were four guns, which
I pushed into the port holes. These were loaded and we were soon ready
for fight. In the meanwhile, the vessel coming nearer, the minister,
who should have encouraged the others, ran below into the powder room,
all trembling and shaking. He inquired if that was far enough below
water, and if he could be shot there. Another person from the East
Indies was with him. The surgeon had all things ready for the battle,
but unfortunately I looked out and saw it was a Dutch smack with a
small topsail, flying the Prince's flag. But they silenced me; Turk it
was, and Turk it should remain, and I must go back to my quarters. At
last she came alongside, and they hailed her, but could not understand
what was replied. I was then called upon to speak to them, and I went
on the stern and saw that it was as I had said. I inquired where they
were from, and what they were doing there. They answered, they were
from Amsterdam; were cruising in search of two East Indiamen which the
Chamber of Amsterdam[446] had missed, and they wanted to know whether
we had seen anything of them. We informed them we had seen no ships
since we were on the banks of Newfoundland, and we were from New
England, bound to London. We asked if there were any danger from the
Turks. None at all, they said, which gave courage to our captain and
others, as well as the minister, who had emerged from the powder room,
where he had hidden himself. We also inquired how affairs stood with
England, Holland, and France. They answered, well, as far as they
knew. Having obtained this information, I told our captain such good
news was worth a salute, and he fired a six-pounder shotted. The Dutch
captain asked for a little tobacco in exchange for pickled herrings;
but many excuses were offered, and he got none. He said the other
vessel was a Hollander from Iceland, and we had nothing to fear; that
almost all the ships which we might see in the North Sea were ships
from Holland; a remark which annoyed our captain and the others very
much; and not being able to stand it, they tacked about ship and wore
off, leaving the cruiser and passing outside, or between Fairhill and
the Orkneys.

[Footnote 445: Fair Isle is a lonely island midway between the Orkney
and Shetland islands. Sailing between these groups, the voyagers saw
first Orkney, then Foula Island (here Falo), then Fair Isle. The
manuscript contains at this point profile sketches of the islands of
Fairhill and Foula.]

[Footnote 446: The Chamber of Amsterdam was one of the local component
boards of the Dutch East India Company.]

_30th, Friday._ We had lain over again at midnight, with a
south-southwest wind. At daybreak it was entirely calm. I was called
out of my berth to go to the captain, in order to discriminate the
land, distinguishing Fairhill and the Orkneys. He exhibited great
ignorance and fear, for we had seen the land well the day before, and
the cruiser had fully informed us; he knew well enough how we had
sailed during the night, and with what progress, and that we all
agreed with the foregoing height of the pole. We took several crayon
sketches of Fairhill and the other lands, the more because they are
not shown from that side in the _Zeespiegel of Lichtende Colom_.[447]
We found the latitude to-day to be 59° 40´. Many birds came round the
ship, and some sparrow hawks and small blue hawks, which we caught
with our hands. We stretched over again to the Orkneys, in order to be
clear of Fairhill; the wind being southeast and southeast by east, we
had foggy and misty weather.

[Footnote 447: "Sea Mirror or Shining Column," an atlas of marine
charts published by Peter Goos of Amsterdam in various editions, in
1654 and later years.]

_31st, Saturday._ We saw the Orkneys this morning, although we had
shifted eight miles during the night. We stretched away from them
again and discovered a strong current, which the nearer Scotland and
the Orkneys it was the stronger it was. It runs mostly east and
east-southeast, and west and west-northwest. The latitude obtained was
59° 26´. At evening we found ourselves about 28 or 32 miles from
Fairhill north-northeast. This is a beautiful round hill, as its name
in English denotes. We held our course with several tacks, over and
back, to reach the North Sea. We saw several ships but could not get
near enough to speak to them.

SEPTEMBER _1st, Sunday._ The weather was misty; the wind as before,
calm. Could not obtain the latitude, but we reckoned we had sailed
about forty miles, east by south. We saw some herring-busses.

_2d, Monday._ The wind continued southeast and south-southeast. The
weather was good but calm and misty. We calculated the latitude 58°
40´. We kept beating from and to the shore.

_3d, Tuesday._ It was still drizzling and calm. We saw several vessels
in which we would gladly have been, in order to see if there were no
opportunity of going in them to Holland, whither they seemed to be
sailing, or at least to obtain some refreshment of fish or something
else; but the captain would not consent. At noon we turned towards the
shore and sailed mostly south.

_4th, Wednesday._ The wind southeast and south-southeast, with dead
water as if we were sailing in a river. We had been near the shore all
night, on various courses, of one, two, and three points difference.
We took a good observation, namely, 58° 8´; the distance sailed was
sixty miles, the course held south-southwest. At noon the water was
greener, and we therefore supposed we were in deeper water. We saw
this morning the four _ockers_,[448] before mentioned behind us, but
we were soon afterwards out of sight of them.

[Footnote 448: Dutch fishing-boats.]

_5th, Thursday._ Our course was east by north and east-northeast, now
a little in, and then again out. The wind was mostly south-southwest.
We found the latitude 58° 34´, so much were we set north. We had not
gone ahead far, as there was not much wind, and the sea rolled
directly against us. We reckoned the distance to be at night forty
miles. But it was entirely calm, and the wind subsided with mist and
rain. We drifted thus all night. The deep lead was thrown at midnight,
and eighty fathoms of water were found. We endeavored to catch some
fish, but did not succeed. We caught several sparrow hawks and small
blue hawks.

_6th, Friday._ We had made little progress. The wind was northwest.
There was a thick mist with drizzling rain. Our course until noon was
east-southeast; the latitude was 59°; the distance 104 miles. We spoke
an _ocker_, and inquired where we were. He said he was lying on the
reef to fish, about 136 miles, he supposed, from Newcastle in
Scotland,[449] southwest of him, which agreed well with our
calculation. Had 50 fathoms of water. This reef shoots out from the
coast of Jutland and runs into the middle of the North Sea,
northwardly around the Shetland Islands, and from thence almost to
Rockol, but it lies nearer to the Scottish coast than to the coast of
Norway, and a little more so than is represented on the chart. We
caught many birds and also swallows.

[Footnote 449: England, rather. There is no such reef or shallow as is
described below.]

_7th, Saturday._ It had been very calm through the night; but the wind
shifted to the south, and we therefore had to change our course
continually; at last it was south-southeast, and we could not sail
higher than west by north. We found the latitude 56° 24´, but could
not judge well because the sun was obscured. The reckoning was 55°
55´; the course was south by west; the distance 56 miles. We here came
into a whole school of tunnies which afforded us great amusement. We
also saw several ships ahead of us and heard much firing of guns.

_8th, Sunday._ Calm and rainy weather. We had made, this whole night
and from noon yesterday, not more than 28 or 32 miles progress. The
course was south-southeast sailing over against the wind, in order to
come upon the Doggerbank.[450] Saw several vessels, one of which ran
before us, over to Newcastle. Reckoned at noon to-day we were 40 miles
from the Doggerbank.

[Footnote 450: The Dogger Bank is a great shoal in the North Sea,
lying between northern England and Denmark.]

_9th, Monday._ In the morning watch, threw the deep lead in 25
fathoms, sandy bottom, green, white and red. About ten o'clock we had
20 fathoms with the same ground. The atmosphere was thick and hazy.
The latitude we supposed was 55° 19´. We were now certainly on the
Doggerbank. We caught many young _spier hayties_, which the English
call _dogs_, and because large numbers of these fish always keep
there, the bank, which is very large and almost makes the figure of a
fishing boat, is called the Doggerbank. At four o'clock we had 18
fathoms, and in the evening 17. The course still south-southeast, and
the wind northeast, breezy and calm, intermingled. In the night the
deep lead was thrown several times, and we found 19, 18, 15 and 14
fathoms of water.

_10th, Tuesday._ The wind blew from almost all points; at ten o'clock
it was northeast and east-northeast, with 12, 11, 10, 9-1/2 fathoms
of water. The latitude was 54° 44´. We saw several large ships and
heard heavy firing of guns which made our captain and others very
serious, for we heard 40 or 50 shots. Seeing a ship behind us, we let
the sails run and waited for her. On her approaching us, we found she
was a Dutch flute;[451] and when we spoke her, they said they were
from Muscovy, bound for Amsterdam. We wished with our whole hearts we
were on board of her with our goods, for we should then sooner have
been home. There was a rolling sea, so that there was no prospect of
being put aboard of her; besides, the captain would not have been
willing. They could not tell us much news. We asked where they
reckoned they were, and they said not far from where we knew, that
they were on the Doggerbank. In the evening we found the water deeper
than 20 fathoms, and afterwards 25, at midnight 30, and in the day
watch 45, with a bottom of fine sand.

[Footnote 451: See p. 21, note 1.]

_11th, Wednesday._ In the forenoon, found the water more shallow, 25,
23 and 20 fathoms, and we therefore believed we had passed from the
Doggerbank to the Welle,[452] another bank so called. We obtained a
good observation, and the latitude was 54° net; the ship's altitude 5´
being deducted, left 53° 55´, which agreed very well with our chart,
with the depth, and our reckoning. The distance was put at 40 miles.
We saw many ships around us, but could speak none. It continued calm
until evening, when we found 20 and afterwards 17 fathom water, over a
coarse red and white sandy bottom, mixed with small stones. The course
was south-southeast.

[Footnote 452: The Well Bank lies south of the Dogger Bank, and off
the mouth of the Humber.]

_12th, Thursday._ The latitude 53° 45´, that is, the height of our
eyes above the water being deducted; the distance 24 miles; the course
south-southeast, a little southerly. We reckoned we were at the middle
of the Welle bank. We longed for a good wind, and we were only sixty
miles from Yarmouth and 100 or 104 from Harwich. We fished a little,
only caught two or three small codfish, and hauled up with the hook a
great quantity of stone and sea weed. In the first watch the wind was
north and northeast, with slack water in 15, 14, 17, 19 and 20
fathoms. The captain therefore sailed southeast and southeast by
south, through fear of the Lemenoirs[453] and other Yarmouth shoals.

[Footnote 453: The Leman Bank lies some forty miles northeast of
Yarmouth, and south of the Well Bank; the White Water, next mentioned,
lies east of the latter, toward the Frisian coast.]

_13th, Friday._ It blew a stiff topsail breeze. We had 17 and 18
fathoms of water, which looked quite white, and made me think we were
near the White Water, another bank so named on which there is 17 and
16 fathoms. We sailed south-southwest. We waited for a herring-buss
coming towards us, and spoke to her. She was from Rotterdam, had been
at sea a long time, and had seen no land. They told us they were
between Wells and the White Water, nearer the latter, and that South
Foreland was south-southwest of us. They could tell us nothing more.
We wished we were in the buss, for then we might have been in the Maes
that evening, as she had a good wind. The latitude was 52° 50´. We
sailed southwest in 23 fathoms of water, with a bottom of fine sand a
little reddish and mixed with black. In sailing towards the shore we
had 18 fathoms; when about three, or half past three o'clock in the
afternoon they cried out, Land! and proceeding further on, we saw the
grove near Yarmouth, and shortly afterwards Yarmouth steeple,
southwest by west and west-southwest from us. We sailed more southerly
and discovered the whole coast. We came to anchor about seven o'clock
in 16 fathoms.

_14th, Saturday._ It had been good weather through the night, and we
had rested well. We saw when the sun rose, which shone against the
coast and was entirely clear, how the coast ran. The land is not so
high as it is west of the Thames to Land's End. There are many
villages. Yarmouth looked like a pleasant little place, as it lay
north-northwest of us. We saw many ships sailing one way and the
other. Having waited for the ebb to run out we got under sail about
eight o'clock. We sailed by Sowls,[454] and came to anchor again about
three o'clock in the afternoon. The passengers had everything ready to
go ashore, and so overland to London. There was a signal made with the
flag from our ship, and a shot fired for a pilot or some one else to
come on board. Towards evening a small boat came with five men, but no
pilot. The flood making about nine or ten o'clock in the evening, and
running along the whole Scottish and English coast, from the Orkneys
to the Thames, we sailed on again until we came to another village
where our passengers went ashore. It was about midnight. The weather
was fine and the moon shone bright; we fired five or six guns. The
minister was sad and complained that it was Sunday, or Saturday
evening, and he dared not go ashore, lest he should break the Sabbath;
but finally he let his wishes override his scruples, and went off with
the passengers. We obtained a pilot and some refreshments, and then
sailed on till we came before Dunwich,[455] the oldest place in
England, and once the mightiest in commerce. We came again to anchor
in order to wait for the tide. The wind continued west-southwest.

[Footnote 454: Southwold, on the Suffolk coast.]

[Footnote 455: Dunwich, now mostly under the waters of the North Sea,
was once an important place, and one of considerable antiquity. The
bishopric of the East Saxons was established there in A.D. 630;
indeed, the town dates from Roman times (Sitomagus).]

_15th, Sunday._ The wind mostly as before. We were under sail about
ten o'clock, with the flood tide, and tacked along the land in seven
fathoms of water to the point of Aldborough,[456] to reach which we
made five or six short tacks. Running close to the shore, we came
among a fleet of, I think, full 200 coal ships, all beating up the
river, which made it difficult to avoid each other. We passed through
the King's Channel. I have never seen so many sunken ships as there
were in the mouth of the Thames, full eight or ten in different
places, from various causes. The tide being spent we came to anchor
before a village called St. Peter.

[Footnote 456: Still on the Suffolk coast. The King's Channel,
mentioned below, was the chief entrance into the estuary of the Thames
from the northeast.]

_16th, Monday._ The wind being mostly north, the weather was cold and
piercing. The whole fleet was under sail, with the flood tide, and we
along with them. They had talked loudly in Boston of the sailing
qualities of our ship, but almost the whole coal fleet sailed ahead of

_18th, Wednesday._ The wind remained still, with mist. We saw it would
be some days yet before the ship would reach the city, and therefore
determined to go up in a wherry, that is a row-boat, from Gravesend.
As soon as one came alongside we went aboard, and passed by Gravesend
and other villages. It was nine o'clock in the evening when we landed
at St. Catharines,[457] and went to a tavern called the Dutch Smack,
but they would not receive us. We then went to the Inlander, the
landlord of which was a Fleming, and a Papist, but not the worst one.
We paid for the boat three English shillings in all. We three, namely,
Vorsman, Jan Owins, the surgeon of our ship, a Rotterdammer, and
myself, supped together; this was the first time we had slept in a bed
in a long time.

[Footnote 457: Just east of the Tower of London, where now are the St.
Katharine Docks.]

_19th, Thursday._ We went through the city, the newly built
portion[458] as well as the other, but we found it very different from
what we had imagined. We went to the Exchange and conversed with our
captain and the other passengers. We endeavored to find the first
vessel going to Holland. They told us there were two smacks or galiots
lying ready, and would leave on Monday, for which we prepared

[Footnote 458: Meaning the part newly built since the Great Fire of

_20th, Friday._ We went to Withal [Whitehall], where the king resides,
and where we supposed we should see something special in the
buildings, but in this we were mistaken. There are better places in
London; the best house there was the banqueting house, which does not
surpass some merchants' houses in Amsterdam. We strolled into St.
James's Park, which is nothing but a large inclosed meadow, with some
canals and ditches dug through it, in one portion of which are ducks
swimming, and willow trees planted. The guard on horseback coming
ahead, we heard the king[459] was in the park. We went in, but did not
see him; but walking through we saw his curiosities of birds which he
kept there in cages slightly enough closed, such as eagles, cranes, a
very large owl, a toucan, birds which we call _hoontjen_ in Friesland,
_virviteaus_, doves, starlings, and others of little importance. He
had received from the Indies, by the last ships, two ostriches or
cassowaries which were shut up and much prized, though they are very
common in Holland. We came to his horse stable; there was only one
horse in it, and that was so lean it shamed every one, as also did the
small size of the stable, which stood near that of the Duke of
Monmouth, where there were six tolerable good Frisic horses, with a
saddle horse or two. Our stables[460] look more kingly than these. We
were about leaving the place when we heard them cry out, "To arms! to
arms!" to a troop of soldiers standing there, and looking around, we
saw at a distance the king coming, accompanied by six or eight
noblemen, from whom you could distinguish him only from his having his
hat on his head, while they had theirs off. He saluted all who saluted
him, as he passed along, which he also did to us. I will not speak of
his person as he has been sufficiently described by pen and burin. Nor
will I speak of the condition of London. The long and short of it is,
that city is larger than Amsterdam, but does not approach it, or any
other city in Holland, either in neatness or in the regularity of the
buildings, even those erected since the great fire. What are worthy of
mention is a certain column, very high and well constructed, erected
on the spot where the great fire broke out in 1666, and the Tower, not
prettily built, but very old, constructed by the Romans in the time of
Julius Cæsar.[461] Whitehall and Westminster, and all within them, are
not worth going to see.

[Footnote 459: Charles II.]

[Footnote 460: At Wieuwert.]

[Footnote 461: The Tower of London has no such antiquity. The oldest
part dates from William the Conqueror. The monument commemorating the
Great Fire, erected by Sir Christopher Wren, still stands in Fish
Street Hill, near London Bridge.]

_21st, Saturday._ Our ship having arrived before the city yesterday,
we went on board to bring away our goods, as also did the surgeon. We
took leave of the captain, mate, and carpenter, who was a young man
and a Norwegian, stupid, but not the most evilly disposed. He had our
love, and I had occasionally conversed with him when we were on the
watch together at night, and sometimes made an impression upon him. He
lived at Flushing, and wished, he said, that he could go and live with
me even for nothing. He desired me not to forget him. I must also say
this of the captain, that he was well known in London, and in all
Boston, as a pious, good, and discreet man; but I was astonished when
I saw and heard the following circumstance. A poor servant, who had
served his time out in New England, came to him in Boston and asked if
he could go over with him; he would do his best in working like any
other sailor for his passage, as he well understood shipwork. The
captain told him he might go with him. When we were at sea, this
person was sick several days, and when he recovered did as well as he
could, but, it is true, he did not do all that an experienced sailor
could have done. When we arrived in the North Sea the captain made a
memorandum by which this poor fellow promised to pay half the passage
money, that is, thirty guilders, when he arrived in London. He called
him, and read it to him, and told him, because he could not work like
a good sailor, he must sign that writing, and if he did not do so, he
would sell him again when he reached London, which he assured him
would be done. The man began to complain and cry, saying he had not so
promised, but he would work like any other, and do as well as he
could. But notwithstanding his crying and objecting he had to sign the
paper, or be sold. In this appeared the piety and sense of justice of
our captain, though perhaps the other was not entirely without blame,
though he had had blows enough. It seems he had some friends in London
who paid the amount.

I must here mention another word about Boston, which is, that I have
never been in a place where more was said about witchcraft and
witches. From time to time persons had been put in prison, and
executed; and a woman was in prison and condemned to die, when we left
there.[462] Very strange things were told of her, but I will not
repeat them here.

[Footnote 462: On May 20, 1680, Elizabeth Morse, wife of William
Morse, of Newbury, was indicted and tried in Boston, for practising
witchcraft upon her own husband. She was convicted and sentenced to be
hanged; and was in prison at Boston, at the time our journalist was
there, awaiting her execution. It is, undoubtedly, her case to which
he refers. She was, however, released in 1681.]

_22d, Sunday._ I went into the Dutch church, where a young man who was
a Cocceian preached.[463] In the afternoon we went to the French
church, and in going there passed by a large gate, through which many
people were entering into a great hall. We looked in, and when we saw
they were Quakers, walked quickly away, and went into the French
church, whose congregation is much larger, and its church much smaller
than the Dutch church--so small indeed, that they could not all get
in. When therefore the Lord's Supper was administered, they used the
Dutch church, and the Dutch preached then in the French church, as
they are not far apart. But as the French church was especially for
the French, we went out, my comrade for the purpose of inquiring after
Mr. Owins, and I to go to the Dutch church again, where another
Cocceian preached well enough. I saw there the envoy from Holland, a
Zeelander, whom I knew, with his family;[464] but he did not know me.

[Footnote 463: In 1550 Edward VI. gave the church of the Augustinians
(Austin Friars) to the Dutch Protestants in London, and the
neighboring church of St. Anthony's Hospital in Threadneedle Street to
the Walloons. Both were destroyed in the Great Fire, but had now been
rebuilt. The Dutch church had two ministers. The habit of interchange
between the two churches, mentioned below, prevailed in Pepys's time,
and was still maintained as late as 1775.]

[Footnote 464: Dirk van Leiden van Leeuwen (1618-1682), burgomaster of
Leyden, but born at Briel, in Zeeland.]

_23d, Monday._ It was said we were to leave to-day, but we saw it
would not be the case. The captain, with whom we were to go, was one
Douwe Hobbes of Makkum, who brings birds over from Friesland every
year for the king. There was a boat lying there ready to leave for
Rotterdam, but it seems they intended to go in company.

_24th, Tuesday._ No departure to-day either. While we were at the
Exchange, there was a great crowd of people in the street. We saw and
heard two trumpeters, followed by a company of cavalry dressed in red,
then a chariot drawn by six horses, in which was the Duke of York.
Then came some chariots of the nobility, and the Prince Palatine,[465]
with several chariots, and two trumpeters in the rear.

[Footnote 465: This was the electoral prince Karl (1651-1685),
afterward (August, 1680-1685) the elector Karl II., son of Karl
Ludwig, grandson of Frederick V. and Elizabeth, and great-grandson of
James I. of England. He had been sent to England by his father in a
vain endeavor to persuade the latter's cousin, Charles II., to relieve
the Palatinate by taking action against Louis XIV. An entertaining
account, by his tutor, of their visit in 1670 to his aunt at Herford
and to the Labadists, may be found in Miss Una Birch's _Anna Maria van
Schurman_ (London, 1909), pp. 168 _et seq._]

_25th, Wednesday._ Could not sail yet, but the Rotterdammer sailed
with thirty passengers, with little or no freight. In going down she
broke the bowsprit of our ship. Mr. Ouwen left us in her, after we had
taken leave of him.

_26th, Thursday._ Heard early this morning our ship was going down the
river, for she lay opposite our room; we immediately hurried
ourselves. It was very uncivil in the mate, for the captain was still
in the city, and would go to Gravesend. We took a wherry and went
after her, as she had not gone far in consequence of the mist and
lightness of the wind. We drifted to-day scarcely outside of the

_27th, Friday._ It was misty and calm. We therefore did not go as far
as the current would have carried us. We had to come to anchor in
consequence of the mist, in order not to drift against the ships, or
upon the shoal.

_28th, Saturday._ We drifted and clawed along until we came to anchor
before Gravesend, as the Rotterdammer did an hour or two afterwards.
Owins, who was not very well accommodated, called out to us as we
passed, and asked if we would not go ashore with him. We declined, for
we could not have wished to have been better accommodated, as we two
had a large, fine cabin to ourselves.

_29th, Sunday._ When we took our goods out of the ship at London, we
let our trunks be examined, but there was nothing inspected. We gave
the inspectors a penny and they were satisfied. Our skipper arrived
now at Gravesend in the night, and had everything made ready for the
inspectors. We had ourselves ready for their arrival. They came on
board about eight o'clock, but they looked once only in the hatches
without asking anything, and went away again. We went ashore in the
forenoon and dined there. We had been to London, and the captain said
we should eat the ship's ordinary fare, which seemed now to us
princely fare. However, as he was most of the time drunk when on
shore, he had given it no consideration. We went through Gravesend to
look at it, but it does not signify much--it is more foul and dirty in
name than in fact. We also went out into the country a little, which
pleased us best. I have never seen anywhere so many blackberries,
which were now ripe. The ebb tide having come, we got under sail yet
before evening, the wind being good, but it did not continue so long.
Opposite Gravesend there is a strong castle well fortified, and
another one of less importance on the lower side. Whenever ships pass
up or down, they must strike [the flag] here in going between the two
fortifications.[466] We arrived at evening before the river of
Chatham, where we anchored.

[Footnote 466: Tilbury Fort on the north side of the Thames, opposite
Gravesend, and probably Shorne Battery on the south side. The "river
of Chatham" is of course the Medway, where Admiral de Ruyter in 1660
had burned King Charles's ships.]

_30th, Monday._ The wind was easterly and light. We scratched along as
far as to get in the King's Channel, as also did the Rotterdammer,
which sailed down with us.

OCTOBER _1st, Tuesday._ The wind as before; we therefore tacked with
the tide before the Naze,[467] intending to run into Harwich, both for
the purpose of waiting for a good wind, and to buy a store of
provision which the skipper through his drunkenness had forgotten. The
Rotterdammer, which had not kept along the shore with us, but had
continued through the King's Channel, finding no good harbor there,
returned again to Chatham, in order, as the wind continued south
southeast, to go out along the south shore, and thus we separated.

[Footnote 467: The easternmost point of the Essex coast, just south of

_2d, Wednesday._ The wind still easterly. We therefore made several
tacks, and ran into Harwich; a miserably poor little fort stands on
the east point of the bay, yet you must strike your flag as you sail
by it. The bay is large and suitable to harbor a great number of
ships. The town is on the west side, passing which, a small river runs
up into the land. We anchored about ten o'clock in the morning. We
went ashore and dined, and I then, in company with some others, walked
out of town; but my comrade returned, having concluded to cross over
in the packet boat, and went to inquire about it. When I returned he
told me it would leave that evening, and would save much time. He
spoke to our skipper, who was not willing to release us without our
paying him the whole passage money, namely two ducatoons apiece. Many
words passed and hard enough they were on both sides, in which the
skipper was very impertinent, yet not altogether in the wrong. We went
aboard, and his passion having subsided, we satisfied him with two
ducats,[468] and took our goods to the packet boat. We went ashore to
enter our names, according to the custom; my comrade giving his
acknowledged name, I was compelled to do the same. We paid twelve
shillings and sixpence each. We went into another room to take fresh
leave of our captain and mate, when there came a scoundrel to take
down our names and examine our goods, as he said, and we were
compelled to give the same names again, in order that they might agree
with those given before; but he was a swindler and obtained from each
of us another shilling, for he did not go on board to examine,
although he could perhaps do so; we went quickly on board to look
after our property. It was about nine o'clock at night when we
started; but as it was so calm we came outside without casting anchor,
having a full moon and delightful weather. A sand reef stretches out
into the sea from the before-mentioned little fort, inside of which
the water is the deepest, being three and four fathoms at low water.
It is shallowest in the middle, and level towards the west shore,
having two fathoms of water or less. There are two lights in the town,
which you bring in range, in order to sail in or out. The highest
light stands most inside, and when that comes west of the lowest you
are west of the gate or channel; and when it is east, you are east of
the channel, and are on, or east of the reef.

[Footnote 468: Say four dollars instead of five.]

_3d, Thursday._ The wind east-southeast, and we therefore sailed along
the shore past Orfordness[469] into the sea. The course thence to the
Maes is east by south, but we sailed for the most part east, and
sometimes east by north. I thought our Friesland smack was at sea
before evening, for the wind was better for her than for us, as the
course from Orfordness to the Texel is east-northeast, which was a due
side wind. It was also better for the Rotterdammer.

[Footnote 469: A point on the Suffolk coast, some dozen miles
northeast of Harwich.]

_4th, Friday._ The wind east-southeast and east by south, but still.
We continued our course easterly, and sometimes a little more
northerly. We threw the deep lead and had 18 fathoms of water. The
latitude at noon was 52° 25´. I warned them that we were too low, and
would come before Schevelingh.[470] This packet was so full of fleas
that it was impossible for me to sleep. Every passenger who desired a
berth had to pay five shillings for it, but we did not. There was such
a hard rain in the night, accompanied by thunder and lightning, that
we could not keep dry in the vessel below, for it leaked there as if
it were open, or not much better. We had an English minister on board,
who had been called to the English church at Rotterdam. He lay and
prayed, and groaned, as hard and loud as if he would die of fear.[471]
The wind shifting to the southwest we held it close.

[Footnote 470: Now Scheveningen, a famous watering-place near the

[Footnote 471: The Rev. John Spademan, of Swayton, in Lincolnshire,
was called to the English Presbyterian church at Rotterdam, as
successor to Mr. Maden, who died in June, 1680.]

_5th, Saturday._ When day came, and it had cleared up somewhat, we saw
at nine o'clock the tower of Schevelingh directly east, or in front of
us, and half an hour afterwards that of Gravesend[472] to the leeward,
whereupon we were compelled to beat, in order to bring into the Maes,
which we continued to do the whole day till midnight, before we
reached Briel. Coming to the pier there, most of the passengers left
for Maassluis, so as not to wait, but we could not do so on account of
our goods.

[Footnote 472: Gravesande lay some distance to the north of the mouth
of the Maas, Briel at the south side of its main mouth, Maasluis a few
miles up the river, on its northern bank.]

_6th, Sunday._ As soon as it was day we put our goods on board the
Rotterdam ferry-boat, which was to leave about nine o'clock. In the
meanwhile we went to look about the place, and in the church, where a
Cocceian preaches. After breakfast we went on board, but it was ten
o'clock before we got off. We had to beat as far as Schiedam, where
some royal yachts were lying, which had sailed with us from Gravesend,
and had brought over the Prince Palatine, who had gone on to the
Hague.[473] We were delayed somewhat here, in consequence of
transferring some persons into another boat. We reached Rotterdam
about two o'clock, and were informed that no boat carrying goods left
for Amsterdam on Sundays; but that one left Delft at six o'clock, and
we had time enough to go there. We left our goods on board the
canal-boat for Delft, and started at three o'clock for that city,
where we arrived at five, and learned that we had been misinformed,
and that the boat from Delft to Amsterdam left daily at four o'clock.
We had to go and lodge in a tavern for twenty-four hours. We went to

[Footnote 473: See p. 291, note 2.]

_7th, Monday._ In order not to be all day at Delft, we walked on to
the Hague, and passed by the house of Sister d'Owerk.[474] I asked my
comrade whether I should not inquire after our friends, and if
perchance any of them were at the Hague; but he would not consent. We
returned to Delft at two o'clock, and after dinner left at four for

[Footnote 474: Mr. Murphy says, "my sister d'Owerk." But the French
phrase here used, "ma seur d'Owerk," means sister in the religious
sense. The lady designated is one of whom Penn speaks in his account
of his tour in Germany and Holland in 1677. Reaching the Hague, "The
first thing we did there, was to enquire out the Lady Overkirk, a
Person of a Retired and Religious Character, separated from the
publick worship of that Country" ... "Sister of the Somerdykes."
_Works_ (ed. 1726), I. 108, 107. By birth she was Isabella van
Sommelsdyk. Her husband, Hendrik van Nassau, lord of Ouwerkerk, was
captain of the body-guard of William III., later in England his master
of the horse, and for thirty years his faithful follower and

_8th, Tuesday._ Having passed through the night as best we could, we
arrived at five o'clock in the morning before the gate of Amsterdam,
which was opened at six, and we were admitted. We went close by the
house of M. Bardewits,[475] where I was again inclined to go in, but
my comrade not approving of it at the Hague, I abandoned the idea. We
put up at the inn where we lodged before our departure, and had our
goods brought there, paying five shillings freight for our goods
alone. We separated in order to do our business as speedily as
possible. I went to deliver all the letters, and my comrade to sell
the amber. We met on the Exchange at noon. When I had delivered my
letters, I went to the boat for Sneek,[476] to inquire how it was at
the House,[477] and when she would sail. They would leave on Thursday
evening; and all went well at the House as far as they knew. My
comrade, who had also made inquiries, brought the same word. He told
me also how he had succeeded with the amber; that it was all spurious,
and was worth nothing. He therefore had determined to send it back
again just as we had received it. We went in the afternoon to perform
some errands for the woman with whom we had lodged at New York,
delivering two beaver skins to her husband's daughter.[478] And with
this we consumed the day.

[Footnote 475: See p. 7, note 3.]

[Footnote 476: In Friesland, near Wieuwerd.]

[Footnote 477: The house of the Labadists at Wieuwerd.]

[Footnote 478: See p. 190, for this daughter of Jacob Hellekers by his
first wife.]

_9th, Wednesday._ This was a day of public prayer. We had nothing more
to do except to buy a large Bible for Mr. Ephraim Hermans, according
to our promise, with his spermaceti, which we did. It cost us
twenty-eight guilders, because it was the last one of Ravesteyn's
edition.[479] There was a new edition in press at the Fish Market, at
the place where we bought this one, upon the point of the gate as you
go to the Post Office. We put it on board of the ship of which Jan
Gorter was captain and which would leave in a month's time, and
addressed it to Mr. Arnout de la Grange, to whom we also sent the
amber with directions what to do with them. My comrade wrote to
Ephraim, and also to Annetie Versluis.

[Footnote 479: The heirs of Paulus van Ravesteyn of Amsterdam had
published in 1670 an octavo edition of the States-General
("authorized") Dutch version of the Bible. In 1680 another,
Remonstrant, version was published in the same city.]

_10th, Thursday._ We had our goods in good time in the boat. My
comrade had also a basket with distilling glasses (retorts) in it,
which he had bought. I went to Joannis van Ceulen, mathematician, who
had made a new sea-atlas, a copy of which he had sent to the king of
England, and also to the king of France.[480] It is a beautiful work;
but he was surprised, after having corrected it so much as he had,
that I should point out to him several errors. I endeavored to obtain
a chart of Maryland, from Augustine Herman's draught, but could not
find it here; nor could I in England.[481] At four o'clock we went on
board of the boat. The wind was light and contrary, so we only drifted
along. It was good weather. Our hearts gave thanks to God when we
reflected through what ways He had conducted us, and how fatherly He
had preserved us, and brought us here. There sprang up a breeze in the
night, so that,

_11th, Friday_, in the morning, we passed by Urck,[482] and arrived at
the Lemmer, where our goods were examined; but we had nothing to pay,
and went on. It was so calm, with the wind contrary, that it was
midnight before we arrived at Sneek. It was very dark and rainy, and
we were fearful we could not find the way, else we should have gone to
the House in the night.

[Footnote 480: _Grand Nouvel Atlas de la Mer_ (Amsterdam, 1680), by
Johannes van Keulen.]

[Footnote 481: See p. 114, note 2.]

[Footnote 482: A small island in the Zuyder Zee. Lemmer is a village
on the Friesland shore, from which one would go up by canal to Sneek,
and so on to Wieuwerd.]

_12th, Saturday._ Having given directions to our skipper, how he
should send our goods after us, and having paid him, we went to speak
to the boatman, who was to take the goods. It was about seven or
half-past seven o'clock when we left Sneek on foot. After going some
distance on our way, we passed through Bosum; and about ten o'clock
reached our house, where all arms and hearts were open to receive us,
which they did with affection and tenderness, in the love of the Lord,
who had been with those who had remained at home, and us who had
travelled, all now brought together, and united by His mercy. To Him
be the power, and wisdom, and honor, and glory to all eternity.


Aarsen, Francis, lord of Sommelsdyk, _see_ Sommelsdyk, Cornelis van.

Abram, boatswain, 39.

Achter Kol, 91 n., 92, 93, 149, 160, 172, 178;
  proclamation against, 182;
  discharge of, 224;
  Gov. Carteret escorted to, 239, 243;
  authority over, 241.

Adams, Richard, 117, 117 n., 122;
  visit with, 123.

Africa, corsairs from, 38 n.

Albany, 169, 171;
  proposed visit to, 185, 188;
  arrival at, 198, 212;
  described, 216-217;
  beer of, 221;
  river navigable to, 225.
  _See also_ Fort Orange.

_Album Studiosorum Academiae Lugduno-Batavae_, 168 n.

Aldborough, 287.

Alkmaar, 17, 17 n.

Alrichs, Peter, 104, 110, 144;
  information concerning, 104 n., 146-147;
  passport given by, 116;
  inquiry made by, 142;
  plantation of, 148, 148 n., 150.

Altona, in Holstein, 7, 97;
  Labadists at, xxiii, 7 n., 97 n.

Amazon River, 37.

Amboy, 162.

Amsterdam, packet, 4;
  arrival at, 5, 296;
  rule concerning pilots of ships of, 16, 295;
  ships from, 21.

Andersson, Måns, 116, 116 n.

Andros, Gov. Sir Edmund, 45 n.;
  recommendation of, 58 n.;
  appointment by, 106 n.;
  visits with, 167, 185, 187-188, 230-231;
  proclamation by, 182, 182 n.;
  leave taken of, 238;
  relations with Carteret, 239-244, 244 n.;
  government of, 248-249.

Ann, Cape, 258.

Antonis Neus (Anthony's Nose), headland, 225.

Apoquemene, 127, 130.

Appoquinimink, Creek 110, 110 n.

Aquackanonck (Passaic), 85 n., 86, 169, 170, 171;
  description of, 175;
  falls of, 176.

Arensius, Rev. Bernhardus, Lutheran minister, 217 n.

Armuyden, 45.

Arundell, Lord, defence under, 24 n.

Arundell of Trerice, Richard, Lord, governor of Pendennis castle, 29 n.

Autein, Loureins, Labadists' printer, 268 n.

Azores, islands, 38.

Bahamas, channel of, 37.

Baltimore, Lord (Cecilius Calvert, second lord), 132 n.;
  negotiations with, xix.

Baltimore, Lord (Charles Calvert, third lord), 132 n.

Baltimore, Lord (George Calvert), grant to, 132, 132 n.

Baltimore County Land Records, xx n.

Barbadoes, 28; run from, 52;
  oysters for, 54;
  ribbons for, 62;
  ship from, 231;
  trade with, 244-246;
  ship for, 253.

Bardewisch, _or_ Bardowitz, merchant, conventicle of, 7, 7 n., 296.

Barents, _or_ Barn, Islands, 64, 64 n.

Barkelo, Herrman van, description by, 113 n.

Barro, island, 278, 278 n., 279.

Bayard, Petrus, conveyance to, xx, 141 n.;
  convert to Labadism, xxiv; naturalization of, xxviii;
  visit from, 237;
  biographical information, 237 n.

Bayard, Thomas F., xx.

Beachy Head, 20.

Beacon Hill, 259.

_Beaver_, ship, 169, 169 n., 171, 190.

Beeren, _or_ Barren Island, 51, 51 n.

Beerent, a guide, 149, 161, 162.

Bergen, 82, 82 n., 84, 84 n., 85, 165.

Berkeley, John, Lord, 66 n.;
  grant to, 154, 154 n.

Berkeley, Sir William, recall and death of, 132 n.-133 n.

Berkum, H. van, _De Labadie en de Labadisten_, xxiii n.

Bermuda Islands, 37, 38, 38 n.

Berry, Capt. John, plantation of, 173, 173 n.

Bevesier, _see_ Beachy Head.

Bible, the Indian, 263, 263 n., 264, 264 n.-265 n.

Billop, Christopher, 73 n.

Binckes, Jacob, 82 n.

Birch, Miss Una, _Anna Maria van Schurman_, 291 n.

Blackstone, Mr., plantation of, 116.

Block, Adrian, 257 n.

Block Island, 257, 257 n.

Blom, Barent, 64 n.

Boehme, Jacob, 12, 12 n.

Boeyer, Jan, 140, 140 n., 141, 142.

Bohemia Manor, xix, 112 n.-113 n., 131, 233;
  Mallary's _Ancient Families_ of, xvii;
  Labadists' colony on, xix, xx, 49 n., 134 n., 141 n.;
  an _Account_ of the life of the Labadists on, xxiv n.;
  _Copies of some Records and Depositions Relating to_, 113 n.

Bohemia River, 116, 127, 130.

Bolsward, arrival at, 4.

Bon, Capt. André, 46.

Boston, 188;
  preparations for journey to, 222, 230, 233, 234, 237, 238;
  trade, 245, 246;
  republic of, 247, 247 n.;
  the journey to, 252-255;
  Labadists' experiences in and around, 255-256, 259-272;
  fire of, 269, 269 n.;
  sham-fight in, 271, 271 n.;
  description of, 275, 275 n.;
  Labadists leave for home, 276;
  witches and witchcraft in, 290, 290 n.

Bosum, 297.

Boterberg (Butter Hill), 226.

Bourignon, Antoinette, allusion to, 7;
  work of, 7 n.

Bourne, Prof. Edward G., reprint issued by, 76 n.

Bowery, 65, 65 n.

Bowman, Mr., 61, 80.

Bownas, Samuel, _Account_ by, xxiv n.

Bradstreet, Gov. Simon, visit with, 259;
  biographical information, 259 n.

Brakel, Rev. Theodorus à, book by, 63, 63 n.

Brakel, Rev. Willem à, letters to, xii, 168 n., 236 n.-237 n.;
  _Trouwhertige Waerschouwinge_, xiii n., xxx n.

Brandywine Creek, 109.

Bread and Cheese Island, 139, 139 n.

Bree Sand, 16 n.

Breukelen, _see_ Brooklyn.

Briel, 295, 295 n.

British Museum, maps in, xii, xix n., 114 n.;
  books in, xxvii n.

Broadway, 46, 65.

Brooklyn, 52, 62, 90; church in 52, 52 n.;
  Stiles's _History_ of, 58 n.;
  journey through, 172.

Brown, Rev. John, 63 n.

Bruges, 18.

Brugh, Helena van, marriage of, 234 n., 262 n.

Brugh, Johannes van, 145, 165, 165 n.

Brugh, Madame van (Katrina Roelofs, later van Rodenburg), 94, 94 n.

Buiksloot, 6, 6 n.

Burgh, 9, 15.

Burlington, 97, 98, 99, 103, 149, 150, 151;
  court at, 144;
  journey to, 147-148.

Burnt Mill, 235.

Buss Island, 277, 277 n.

Byllynge, Edward, proprietor of West New Jersey, 154, 154 n.

Cadiz, ship bound for, 21.

Calais, cape of, 19.

Cambridge, visit to, 266-268.

Canada, priests of, 137;
  intercourse with, 226-227.

Captahem, Indian sachem, 85 n.

Carolina, Indians of, 181.

Carteret, Sir George, 66, 66 n.;
  grant to, 154, 154 n., 164.

Carteret, Capt. James, 66;
  information concerning, 66 n.

Carteret, Gov. Philip, 66, 94;
  information concerning, 66 n.;
  government of, 164, 164 n.;
  visit with, 238;
  escorted to Achter Kol, 239, 243;
  relations with governor of New York, 239-244, 244 n.

Catholics, Roman, 10, 17, 73, 137, 250.

Catrix, _see_ Carteret.

Catskill Mountains, 219, 225.

Cecil County, Md., Sluyter's will in court-house of, xiii;
  Herman's property in, xix; first court-house of, 116 n.

Chamber of Amsterdam, 281, 281 n.

Champlain Lake, 226 n.

_Charles_, ship, 3, 5, 32 n., 263.

Charles II, grant from, 154 n.;
  reference to, 288.

Charlestown, 266, 268, 275.

Chaudronnier, Le, 74, 162.

Chesapeake and Delaware Canal, 128 n.

Chesapeake Bay, 115, 116, 122, 127, 128, 132.

Chicheley, Sir Henry, lieutenant-governor of Virginia, 133 n.

Child of Luxury, _see_ Clauw, Frans Pieterse.

Christina Kill, 103, 108, 109, 137, 138, 139, 142, 153, 171.

Christison, Wenlock, 104 n.

Claesen, Frans, 83 n.

Claessen, Valentine, visit with, 67-68;
  information concerning, 67 n.

Clauw, Frans Pieterse, 217, 217 n., 218.

Claver Rack (Clover Reach), 218, 226.

Cocceius, Johannes, religious doctrine of, 6, 6 n.;
  followers of, 45, 59, 181, 290, 291, 295.

Cod, Cape, 37, 41, 254, 255, 258, 273.

Cohoes Falls, 199-200, 199 n., 200 n., 213, 227.

Commegys, Cornelius, and family, 119, 119 n., 120;
  information concerning, 121, 121 n.

Communipaw (Gamoenepaen), 81, 81 n., 82 n., 84, 86, 165.

Coney Island, 51;
  sketch of, 58, 59, 59 n., 69;
  description of, 183-184.

Constable's Hook, _or_ Point, 84, 172.

Copley, Gov. Lionel, xxx, xxxi.

Corlaer's Hook, 235, 256.

Corneliszen, Arie _or_ Adrian, 47 n., 190, 192.

Corsairs, 38, 38 n.

Cortelyou, Jacques, visit to, 57, 58, 61, 62, 89, 90-91, 229-230;
  information concerning, 57 n.;
  land of, 85, 85 n., 86, 173 n., 175;
  at Najack, 170;
  at Gowanus, 172.

Court of Friesland, inn, 8.

Covenanters, rising of, 19, 19 n.

Coxsackie, 226, 226 n.

Cresson, Jacques, 232, 232 n.

Cresson, Pierre, 74, 74 n., 75, 232, 232 n.

Cresson, Susanna, 232 n.

Culpeper, Thomas, Lord, governor of Virginia, 132 n.

Danckaerts, Jasper, sketches by, xi, xvi, 58-59, 59 n., 88 n., 101, 110,
  177, 219;
  correct form of name, xii;
  original manuscript of, xv-xvii;
  conveyance to, xx, 141 n.;
  biographical information concerning, xxvii-xxix, 168, 168 n.;
  translation of Psalms by, xxviii-xxix;
  manuscript notes by, xxix, 206 n., 265 n.;
  voyage to New Netherland, 3-42;
  travels in New Netherland, 43-91;
  at Surinam, 61 n.;
  journey to the southward, 91-165;
  in New York, 166-251;
  translations by, 170, 171;
  letter concerning religious beliefs of, 236 n.-237 n.;
  journey to Boston, 252-272;
  his voyage home, 273-298.

Danskamer (Dancing Chamber), cove, 226.

Davis Strait, 37.

Deadman's Head (Dodman Point), 22, 23;
  description of, 24.

Delaware Falls, 80, 95, 96.

Delaware Historical Society, xvii.

Delaware River, maps of, xi-xii, xvi, xvii, 165, 166;
  mentioned, 45, 80 n., 85, 95;
  departure of La Grange for, 50, 57;
  Ephraim Herrman's visit to, 80, 86;
  proposed journey of Labadists to, 89;
  falls of, 95, 96;
  Johnson's _Swedish Settlements on the Delaware_, 109 n.;
  trade, 127, 128;
  observations concerning, 150-151, 224, 228;
  arrival of Fenwick at, 155;
  condition in grants of lands on, 156;
  letters from, 170;
  Dutch in, 179;
  duties on goods imported into, 246.

Delft, 295, 296.

Denys, Peter, 190, 190 n.

Descartes, René, 57 n.;
  followers of, 57, 59.

Deutel Bay, 166, 166 n., 171.

Dirck, of Claverack, 219.

Dirx, Immetie, 83, 83 n.

Dittelbach, _Verval en Val der Labadisten_, 134 n.

Dogger Bank, the, 284, 284 n., 285.

_Dolphin_, ship, 260, 277 n.

Donderbergh (Thunder Hill), 225.

Dover, 19.

D'Owerk, Sister, _see_ Sommelsdyk, Isabella van.

Dulignon, Domine, xxx.

Dunham, Jonathan, will of, 93, 93 n.

Dunwich, 287, 287 n.

Durlston Head, 21.

Dutch, ships, 31, 281, 282, 283, 285;
  conquest of Fort Christina, 109, 109 n.;
  settlements, 132, 273;
  relations with English, 136, 136 n., 153, 155;
  relations with Swedes, 152-153, 153 n.;
  in South River, 179.

Dutch East India Company, 273.

Dutch Smack, tavern, 288.

Dutch West India Company, grant from, 57 n., 153 n.;
  slaves of, 65;
  property of, 145;
  rule and authority of, 152;
  first ship sent to New Netherland by, 236 n.

Duyckinck, Evert, mate, 18, 22, 28, 28 n., 39, 81, 181, 221, 236.

Duyckinck, Evert, the elder, 181, 181 n.

Duyckinck, Gerrit, 181, 181 n., 220.

Duyn, Gerrit Evertsen van, visits with, 36, 43, 47;
  biographical information concerning, 36 n.;
  brings home his goods, 49;
  mentioned, 52, 67, 91, 169, 228;
  visits Indians, 55, 56;
  in New Harlem, 65;
  is shaved by Danckaerts, 68;
  goes to Sapokan, 69-86;
  journey with, 171;
  marriage of, 190, 190 n.

Dyer, Capt. William, 187, 187 n., 240, 244.

Eames, Wilberforce, bibliography by, 264 n.

East New Jersey, Scot's _Model of the Government_ of, 84 n.;
  historical information concerning, 154 n.

East River, 46, 51, 64, 65, 224;
  description of, 256-257.

_Ecclesiastical Records of New York_, 44 n.-45 n., 181 n., 202 n.

Ecke, D. van, 45.

Eddystone, 22 n.

Elbertsen, Elbert, _see_ Stoothoff, Elbert Elbertsen.

Eliot, Benjamin, 270 n.

Eliot, Rev. John, visit to, 263-266, 270-271;
  biographical information, 263 n.;
  reference to, 270.

Elizabeth, Princess, xxii, xxii n.

Elizabeth, Queen, 132.

Elizabeth, widow, 105, 106.

Elizabeth Creek, 92, 224.

Elizabeth Islands, 253, 258.

Elizabethtown, 66, 75, 84, 162.

Elizabethtown Creek, 74 n., 163.

Eltie, _see_ Illetie.

Enckhuysen, 4, 4 n., 7.

England, ships, 8, 11, 20, 41, 48, 140, 276;
  coast of, 19;
  corsairs near, 38 n.;
  brandy from, 123;
  relations with the Dutch, 136, 136 n., 153, 155;
  date of Christmas in, 140, 140 n.;
  in New Netherland, 190.

English Ship, The, inn, 26.

Ephraim, _see_ Herrman, Ephraim.

Episcopalians, 26, 29, 85.

Esopus, _or_ Hysopus, 181, 181 n., 185, 197, 198, 213, 220;
  war, 221, 221 n., described, 221;
  river navigable to, 225.

Evert, mate, _see_ Duyckinck, Evert.

Evertsen, Cornelis, 81, 82 n.

Fairhill, 280, 280 n., 282.

Falmouth, England, 11, 22, 23, 24, 24 n., 25, 26, 30, 80.

Falo, _or_ Foula, island, 280, 280 n.

Fayal, island of, 261.

Fenwick, John, Salem founded by, 143 n.;
  proprietor of West New Jersey, 154, 154 n., 155.

Fierens, Jacques, printer, 81, 81 n.

Filipse, Margaret, _see_ Philipse, Margaret.

Finns, 100, 142.

Fisher's Island, 253.

Flanders, coast of, 19, 20.

Flatbush, 51, 60, 60 n., 62, 90.

Flatlands, 59, 59 n.

Florida, coast of, 37.

Flushing, bay of, 257.

Fonteyn, Cornelia, wife of Arnoldus de la Grange, 49 n.

Fort Albany, _see_ Fort Orange.

Fort Amsterdam, 45-46.

Fort Christina, 109, 109 n.

Fort Nassau, on the Delaware, 143.

Fort Orange, 44, 46, 167, 179, 181.
  _See also_ Albany.

Fort Wadsworth, 71 n.

Fox, George, meeting held by, 116 n.

Foy, Capt. John, 260, 260 n., 268.

Fransen, Claes, 83, 86, 88, 169.

Fresh Kill, 74.

Fresh (Connecticut) River, 247, 273.

Friends, Society of, relations with Labadists, xxii, xxiv.

Friesland, 3 n.;
  adoption of calendar in, 4 n.;
  government of, 188 n.

Frisby, Capt. James, 116;
  information concerning, 116 n.;
  plantation of, 126, 127.

Furs, 169, 182, 186, 189, 231.

Gaasbeeck, Rev. Laurentius van, 45, 45 n.;
  death of, 181;
  information concerning, 181 n.

Galloper, _or_ Galper, sandbank, 20, 20 n.

Gamoenepaen, _see_ Communipaw.

Gardiner's Island, 257.

Gardinier, Pierre le, _see_ Cresson, Pierre.

Gary, Alice, formerly Alice Ambrose, 104 n.

George's (Castle) Island, 259.

Geresolveert, _see_ Waldron, Resolved.

Gerrit, _see_ Duyn, Gerrit Evertsen van.

Gheele Hoeck (Yellow Point), 172.

Ghysen, Hendrick, Psalms translated by, xxix.

Gibraltar, ship for Straits of, 20.

Godfrey, Miss Elizabeth, _A Sister of Prince Rupert_, xxii n.

Godyn, Samuel, 150 n.

Golden Fleece, The, inn, 29, 31.

Goodwin Sands, 20, 20 n.

Goos, Peter, atlas published by, 282, 282 n.

Gorter, Capt. Jan, 297.

Gouanes, _or_ Gowanus, 52, 52 n., 53, 69, 123, 169, 172, 179, 230.

Gouanes (Gowanus) Bay, 178.

Goutstar, _see_ Start Point.

Goyn, _see_ Goodwin Sands.

Governor's Island, 46, 179, 179 n., 256.

Grange, Arnoldus de la, conveyance to, xx, 141 n.;
  naturalization of, xxviii n.;
  visits with, 49-50, 57, 62-63, 165, 170, 186, 230, 235;
  biographical sketch of, 49 n., 236 n.;
  mentioned, 89, 100;
  suit of mother of, 102, 102 n.;
  property rights of, 103, 104;
  suit of, 104 n.;
  map by, 166;
  boat chartered by, 171;
  sale of goods to, 187, 189, 231;
  letter of, 199;
  instructions to, 238;
  letters to, 262, 297.

Grange, Madame de la, 171.

_Grants and Concessions_, Leaming and Spicer, 244 n.

Gravesend, in England, 287, 288, 291, 292.

Gravesend, in Holland, 295.

Gravesend, on Long Island, 59, 59 n., 61.

Great Bay, 225, 227.
  _See also_ Chesapeake Bay.

Gregory XIII., promulgation of calendar by, 4 n.

Greenland, Dr. Henry, 94, 94 n., 160.

Groningen, government of, 188 n.

Guhrauer, article by, xxii n.

Guiana, coast of, 37;
  Dutch, _see_ Surinam.

Hackenberg, Paul, letter of, xiii n.;
  visit of, xxx;
  relations with Sluyter, 168 n.

Hackensack, 76, 84, 84 n., 92.

Hackensack River, 83, 92, 173, 224.

Hague, the, 295, 296.

Hans, Indian guide, bargain with, 172-173;
  conversations with, 174-175, 178-179.

Hardenbroek, Adolf, daughter of, 5 n.

Hart, Simon Aertsen de, visit with, 53-54, 69, 169, 230;
  information concerning, 53 n.;
  dealings with the Indians, 179-180.

Hartford, Conn., 187.

Hartman, Fytje, 82, 82 n., 88.

Harvard College, visit to, 266-268, 267 n.

Harwich, 285, 293.

Haverford College, copy of Labadists' _Declaration_ at, 265 n.

Haverstraw, 84, 84 n.

Helder, the, 7 n., 10, 13, 16.

Hellekers, Jacob Swarts, biographical sketch, 36 n., 43, 43 n., 190 n.;
  his daughter, Jacomina, 36 n., 296;
  his step-daughter, Rebecca, 47 n., 190;
  at New Utrecht, 229 n.

Hellekers, Willem, 190, 190 n., 221.

Hellgate, 64, 252, 256.

Helmont, Jean Baptiste van, writings of, 99, 99 n.

Hendrickson, Hendrick, 116 n.;
  plantation of, 117.

Hendrix, Jacob, 98.

Hennepin, _Description de la Louisiane_, 199 n.

Henrietta Maria, Queen, 114, 114 n., 132 n.

Henry Kasimir II., Count, 188 n.

Herman, ship carpenter, 28.

Herrman, Anna Margareta, 109, 109 n., 111, 146.

Herrman, Augustine, map by, xii, xix, 114, 114 n., 117 n., 297;
  estates of, xvii, xix, 112 n.-113 n.;
  Wilson's paper on, xvii;
  biographical information concerning, xix, 114 n.;
  naturalization of, xix;
  _Journal of the Dutch Embassy to Maryland_, xix n.;
  conveyance by, xx, xxv, 141, 141 n.;
  land purchased from, 49 n.;
  mission to Maryland, 66 n.;
  visit with, 114, 115;
  Labadists lose road to, 127;
  illness of, 131, 140.

Herrman, Ephraim, meets Labadists, xviii, 80;
  directs Labadists into Maryland, xix, 91-113;
  separates from his wife, xxiv;
  trustees appointed for estate of, xxv, 141 n.;
  information concerning, 80 n., 145;
  visits of Labadists to, 86, 89, 137, 237, 239;
  minor references to, 88, 140, 144;
  appointed clerk of the courts, 106;
  reminiscences of, 113 n.;
  letters from, 115, 115 n., 165, 170, 186, 271;
  passport given by, 116;
  goes with Labadists to Christina Kill, 138-139;
  hears of father's illness, 140;
  returns to Maryland, 140;
  is made heir, 141, 141 n.;
  goods for, 185;
  arrives with family in New York, 233;
  takes leave of Labadists, 250;
  Bible bought for, 296-297;
  letter to, 297.

Herrman, Kasparus, 110, 127;
  information concerning, 110 n., 111;
  at house of, 112, 130, 131;
  meeting with, 113-114.

_Heylige Decades_, Labadie, 170, 171.

Highlands, 197, 222, 225, 231.

_Historisches Taschenbuch_, xxii n.

Hobbes, Capt. Douwe, 291.

Hoere-kill, attack on, 136, 136 n.;
  climate of, 152; settlement at, 152, 152 n.

Holland, chronology, 4 n., 140 n.;
  currency, 30, 30 n., 32, 32 n., 41, 49, 49 n., 52, 54, 83, 103, 149,
    162, 169, 230, 246.
  _See also_ Dutch.

Hoofden, 35, 35 n., 36, 51.

Hoogh, 15.

Hooghboom, Bartholomaeus, skipper, 189, 213, 232.

Hoorn, 10, 15.

Hopkins, Mr., plantation of, 117.

Hosier, Henry, 118, 119, 121, 121 n.

Howell, Mr., 116, 117.

Hoyberg (Hay Hill), 226.

Huguenots, settlement, 271 n.

Huyberts, Susanna, wife of Casparus Herrman, 233 n.

Idenszen, Theunis, 190, 190 n.;
  misfortunes and conversion of, 190-196;
  mentioned, 197;
  visits with, 223, 238, 250;
  incident of the stolen cow and, 229-230.

Ij, river, 6, 6 n., 51.

Illetie (Aletta), Indian woman, story of, 201-205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211.

Independents, 253, 262, 273, 274, 277.

Indians, observations upon, xvi; on board the _Charles_, 35, 36;
  on Long Island, 52;
  visits with, 76-79, 88, 139-140, 159, 177-178, 200;
  dealings with, 79-80, 84-85, 222;
  dwellings of, 94, 172;
  in Maryland, 115;
  Jesuits among, 137;
  as guides, 149, 172;
  murder by, 152;
  relations with Quakers, 155-156;
  religious beliefs of, 174-175;
  land purchased from, 175;
  dinner with, 176;
  drinking carousal at Gowanus, 179;
  _canticoy_ of, 180;
  epidemic among, 181;
  conversion of, 202;
  trading operations at Albany, 217;
  fish caught by, 220;
  Esopus war with, 221;
  Bible, 263, 263 n., 264, 264 n.-265 n.
  _See also_ Manhattan Indians; Mohawks; Najack Indians.

Jacob, Capt., 116, 165, 190, 240.

Jacobs, Mr., 30, 31.

Jacobs, Marritie, 67 n.

Jamaica, governor of, 45, 45 n.

James, Rev. B.B., _The Labadist Colony in Maryland_, xvii.

Jan, a passenger on board the _Charles_, 10, 11, 11 n., 28, 41, 49;
  conduct at, 12, 14, 23, 30, 31, 40.

Jaquet, Jean Paul, 109, 109 n.

Jasper, an Indian, visit from, 76-79, 80;
  religious beliefs of, 175.

Jean, Maitre, landlord, 26.

Jeffreys, Herbert, lieutenant-governor of Virginia, 133 n.

Jesuits, 137, 249, 269.

Jochemsen, Capt. David, 48.

Johns Hopkins University _Studies_, xvii, 112 n.

Johnson, Dr. Amandus, _Swedish Settlements on the Delaware_, 109 n.

Joris, David, followers of, 250, 250 n.

Kaaterskill Falls, 198, 198 n.

Karl, electoral prince, visits England, 291, 291 n.;
  returns to the Hague, 295.

Kekebel, _or_ Kieckebuls, Thomas Davidtse, 197 n.

Keulen, Joannes van, atlas published by, 297, 297 n.

Key, Capt. Theunis de, 262 n., 263, 268.

Kieft, Willem, director-general of New Netherland, 46, 46 n.

Killigrew, Sir Robert, church built by, 26 n.

Kill van Kull, 50, 58, 59, 59 n., 69, 74, 84, 92 n.

Kinderhook, 198, 216, 217, 226.

King Philip's War, reference to, 137, 137 n.

King's Channel, 287, 287 n., 292, 293.

Klief, Cornelis van, 186, 189;
  letter of, 199; arrangements made at house of, 234.

Koch, Otto Ernst, 103, 103 n.

Kock Achie, _see_ Coxsackie.

Koelman, Rev. Jacobus, book by, 63;
  information concerning, 63 n.

Kok, J., _Vaderlandsche Woordenbock_, xxviii n.

Labadie, Jean de, biography of, xxi-xxii;
  death of, xxiii;
  _Declaration_ of, xxv, 265, 265 n., 266;
  writings of, 88, 88 n., 170, 170 n., 171, 171 n., 232, 232 n., 272,
    272 n.

Labadists, colony of, in Maryland, xvii, xviii, xix-xx;
  James's _Labadist Colony in Maryland_, xvii;
  rise and decline of, xxii-xxiii;
  teachings of, xxiii-xxiv;
  in Surinam, xxviii, xxviii n., 61 n.;
  house purchased by, 113 n.;
  conveyance to, 141 n.;
  printing-press of, 268 n.

La Motte, M., 101.

Lands Diep, 13, 13 n.

Langevelt, _or_ Longfield, Cornelis van, 160, 160 n.

Lawrence, Thomas, baker in New York, 160, 160 n.

Leaming and Spicer, _Grants and Concessions_, 244 n.

Leete, Gov. William, 187 n.

Leeuwarden, 3 n.

Leiden van Leeuwen, Dirk van, 291, 291 n.

Leisler, 48 n.

Leman Bank, 286, 286 n.

Lemmer, 297, 297 n.

Leyden, University of, xii, 168, 168 n.

Liège, resident of Long Island from, 53.

Lighthouse at entrance of Boston Harbor, 259, 259 n.

Little Bay, 225, 256.

Little Bohemia, manor, xix, 112 n.-113 n.

Lizard, point, 23, 23 n., 257.

London, ships from, 20, 231;
  mail ships for, 27, 46, 140;
  Labadists in and around, 288-293;
  Great Fire of, 288 n., 289, 289 n., 290 n.

Long Island, 33, 35, 90;
  description of, 50-51;
  Indians on, 52;
  fruit, 52, 59, 67;
  fish, 53, 54, 90;
  sketch of, 59 n.;
  grain, 60;
  Quakers, 85;
  the Labadists' visit to, 171, 228.

Long Island Historical Society, manuscripts in possession of, xi, xv, 59 n.

Lorphelin, Peter, case of, 269 n.

Love, _Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England_, 261 n.

Lucas, Capt., 262.

Lucas, Mr., custom-house officer, 31, 32.

Maasluis, 295, 295 n.

Maas River, 18, 294, 295.

MacCormac, E.I., _White Servitude in Maryland_, 112 n.

Main Creek, 73 n.

Maine, hostilities along coast of, 137 n.

Mallary, Rev. Charles P., _Ancient Families of Bohemia Manor_, xvii.

Manhattan Indians, 224.

Manhattan Island, 35, 50, 51;
  described, 64.

Manhattan River, _see_ North River.

Mann, Abraham, plantation of, 139;
  information concerning, 139 n.

Maquaas Kill, _see_ Mohawk River.

_Margaret_, ship, 252.

Martha's Vineyard, 253, 253 n., 254, 257, 258.

Maryland, map of, xii, xix;
  Labadists in, xvii, xviii, xix-xx;
  James's, _Labadist Colony_ in, xvii;
  Herrman's _Journal of the Dutch Embassy_ to, xix n.;
  effect of Labadists' teachings in, xxiv;
  MacCormac's _White Servitude_ in, 112 n.;
  Danckaerts and Sluyter arrive in, 114;
  boundary of, 114, 114 n., 115;
  fish, 115;
  Indians, 115;
  oysters, 123;
  trade, 127, 128;
  roads, 129;
  early history of, 132, 132 n.;
  government of, 133;
  tobacco raising in, 133, 135;
  slavery in, 133, 134, 134 n.;
  grain, 134;
  vegetables, 134;
  lives of planters in, 135;
  taxation in, 136-137;
  religion of, 137;
  climate, 151-152.

_Maryland Archives_, xix n., xxviii n., xxxi n., 236 n.

Maryland Historical Society, publication by, xvii;
  manuscript of, 141 n.

Massachusetts Historical Society, _Proceedings_, 265 n., 267 n., 271 n.

Matinnaconk Island, 97, 97 n., 98, 100, 101.

Maurice, carpenter, 129.

Maurits River, _see_ North River.

May, Isle of, 28.

Medway, _or_ Chatham River, 292, 292 n.

Meeuwsteen, 22, 22 n.

Mennonite sect, 9, 9 n., 17.

Mexico, Gulf of, 37.

Middelburg, death of Danckaerts at, xxviii.

Milford (Newark), 173, 253.

Milk-ditch, 255, 255 n., 275.

Mill Creek, 74, 74 n.

Miller, Mr., plantation of, 118, 121;
  letter from, 120.

Miller, Rev. John, _Description of New York_, 198 n., 213 n.

Mills, 8, 93, 96, 96 n., 108 n., 139, 150, 178, 198, 214, 215, 218, 246.

Millstone River, 94, 95, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 224.

Mohawk River, 199, 213, 226.

Mohawks, 201, 203, 211.

Moll, John, conveyance to, xx, 141 n.;
  visit with, 110, 111-112;
  passport given by, 116;
  relations with, 119, 233;
  visit to plantation of, 137, 138, 139;
  leaves for Maryland, 140;
  witness, 141;
  mentioned, 144;
  information concerning, 144;
  wife of, 144-145;
  letters from, 170, 271;
  book sent to, 171.

Monmouth, Duke of, 288.

Montague River, _see_ North River.

Montanus, _Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld_, xii.

Moor's Head, inn, 8.

Morse, Elizabeth, tried for witchcraft 290 n.

Mouns, _see_ Andersson, Måns.

Muller, of Amsterdam, documents sold by, 48 n.

Murphy, Henry C., translation by, xi, xv, 53 n., 59 n.;
  _Anthology of New Netherland_, xii n., 237 n.

Nagtglas, F., _Levensberichten van Zeeuwen_, xxvii n., xxviii n.

Najack, _or_ Nyack, 54, 54 n., 60, 69, 169, 170, 180, 229.

Najack Indians, 54-57.

Nantucket, 254, 258.

_Narratives of Early Maryland_, xxi n., 66 n., 114 n.

_Narratives of Early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey, and Delaware_, xii,
  67 n., 109 n., 152 n., 153 n., 154 n.

_Narratives of New Netherland_, 109 n., 153.

Narrows, 182, 197, 225.

Nassau, Hendrik van, 296 n.

Nassau, a village on the Raritan, 161, 161 n.

Naylor, James, 105, 105 n.

Naze, 293, 293 n.

Negroes, 65, 111.

Nevesinck, 50, 69, 95, 162, 180, 182.

Nevesinck Creek, 224.

New Brunswick, 94 n.

Newcastle, Del., court of, 106;
  mentioned, 109, 139, 150;
  minister at, 110;
  Labadists' visit to, 122, 131, 137, 140, 180;
  journey to Christina Kill from, 138;
  Robert Wade at, 142;
  description of, 143, 144;
  settlement at, 152.

Newcastle County, Delaware, Herrman property in, xix.

New Dorp, 72, 72 n.

New England, Love's _Fast and Thanksgiving Days_ of, 261 n.;
  settlement of, 273, 273 n.;
  description of, 273-275.

Newfoundland, 37, 38, 132.

New Harlem, 64, 65, 68.

New Jersey, 69;
  woods, 95;
  government, 182, 182 n.

_New Jersey Archives_, 182 n.

New Jersey Historical Society, xvii.

New Netherland, Murphy's _Anthology_ of, xii n., 237 n.;
  coast of, 37;
  Labadists' travels in, 43-91;
  fruit, 44, 47;
  governor of, 45, 45 n.;
  first child born in, 47, 47 n., 236 n.;
  roads, 129;
  settlement of, 132;
  conquered by England, 190, 190 n.;
  first ship sent to, 236 n.;
  distilling in, 245;
  journal of voyage from, 252-298.

New Sweden, origin of, 152 n.;
  conquest of, 153, 153 n.

New Utrecht, 57 n., 58, 59, 90, 91.

New York, _Ecclesiastical Records_ of, 44 n.-45 n., 181 n., 202 n.;
  Wolley's _A Two Years Journal_ in, 76 n.;
  O'Callaghan's _Documentary History_ of, 197 n., 229 n., 236 n., 262 n.;
  Miller's _Description_ of, 198 n., 213 n.
  _See also_ New Netherland.

New York City, sketches of, xi, xii, xvi;
  Labadists arrive at, 43;
  Labadists return to, 222;
  militia of, 239;
  trade, 246, 247.

New York Historical Society, _Collections_, 90 n.

New York Public Library, books in, xxvii n., 265 n.

Niagara Falls, 199 n.

Nicholson, Gov. Sir Francis, xxi.

Nicolls, Capt. Matthias, secretary of New Jersey, 244;
  letters of, 84 n., 115 n.

Nicolls, Gov. Richard, code of, 90 n.

Nieuwe Diep, 13, 13 n.

Nieuwendam, 6, 6 n.

Nieuwenhuysen, Rev. Wilhelmus van, 45, 45 n.;
  preaching of, 46, 47, 59, 86, 166, 239;
  relations with Theunis, 223;
  relations with Marie Renard, 231;
  illness of, 234, 237.

Nissensen, Mr. S. G., aid acknowledged to, xi.

Noorman's Kil, 198.

North Kil, _see_ Hackensack River.

North River, 46, 64, 66, 67, 68, 81, 84, 108, 150, 151, 152, 197;
  described, 223-225, 224 n.;
  falls on, 227;
  fish of, 227;
  climate, 228;
  jurisdiction over, 240.

North Sea, 19-20, 278, 284.

Northwest Kill (Passaic River), 85, 92, 173, 175, 224, 227.

Noten Hoeck (Nut Point), 226.

Noten, _or_ Nut, Island, _see_ Governor's Island.

Nottingham, Earl of (Daniel Finch), secretary of state, xxx.

Noy, Abraham de la, 48, 48 n., 63, 63 n.

Noy, Peter de la, 48 n.

Nya Göteborg, _or_ New Gothenburg, 100 n., 101.

Oakes, Rev. Urian, acting president of Harvard, 267 n.

O'Callaghan, Dr. E.B., reprint issued by, 76 n.;
  _Documentary History of New York_, 197 n., 229 n., 236 n., 262 n.

Ogilby, _America_, xii.

Oosterend, in Friesland, 3, 3 n.

Oosterend, on Texel, 9, 10, 15.

Orange, Prince of, 74, 188, 188 n.

Orfordness, 294, 294 n.

Orkney Islands, 280, 282.

Otto, a resident of Wicacoa, 148.

Otto, Justice, 104, 104 n.

Oude Dorp, 71, 72.

Oude Schilt, 8, 9, 13, 15.

Owins, Johan, surgeon, 261, 288, 291, 292.

Padechal, captain of the Boston packet, _see_ Pattishall, Richard.

Palisades, 67.

Papegoia, Johan, 100 n., 101, 101 n.

Papegoia, Madame, 101, 102, 103;
  residence of, 107.

Pascal, Blaise, _Pensées_, 91, 91 n., 230.

Pattishall, Richard, 234, 234 n., 251, 252;
  lodging with, 256;
  visit to Gov. Bradstreet with, 259;
  is paid for passage, 260.

Pauw, Michael, 84 n.

Pavonia, 84, 84 n.

Peconic Bay (Cromme Gouwe), 257.

Pemaquid, Me., 45, 45 n., 167, 188.

Pendennis castle, 24 n., 28, 29.

Penn, William, visit with Labadists, xxx;
  _Works_, xxx n., 296 n.;
  _Charter_ to, 90 n.;
  house of, 105 n.;
  tour made in Germany and Holland, 295 n.-296 n.

Pennsylvania, first Quakers in, 105 n.;
  first assembly of, 105 n.

Penryn, 26, 29;
  custom house transferred from, 25 n.;
  post office at, 27;
  market of, 30.

Peveril Point, _see_ Durlston Head.

Philipse, Margaret, ship-owner, 3, 3 n., 28, 80, 83, 183;
  Labadists' relations with, 5, 6, 41, 49;
  biographical sketch of, 5 n.;
  arrives on board, 12;
  suggestion of, 14;
  conversation with, 21, 39;
  goes ashore at Falmouth, 25;
  conduct of, 40, 41.

Philipse, Frederick, 12 n.;
  biographical sketch of, 5 n.;
  visit with, 166-167;
  ship of, 238, 252;
  leave taken of, 238;
  shipping interests of, 244.

Phillips, Mr. P. Lee, facsimile of map published by, xxi, 114 n.

Pieters, Frederick, 201, 201 n.

Pilots, law concerning, 16-17.

Piscataway, N.J., 91, 91 n., 94, 150, 160, 164, 164 n.

Pisgeon, _or_ Pigon, John, merchant of Boston, 234, 260.

Pleine, Nicolas de la, 232, 232 n.

Plum Island, 257.

Pompey Stone, 215 n.

Popish Plot, reference to, 137.

Poppe, Jan, 61.

Portland, 21, 22.

Potlepels (Polopels) Island, 226, 226 n.

Presbyterians, 29.

Prince Palatine, _see_ Karl, electoral prince.

Printz, Armegot, 100 n.

Printz, Johan, Swedish governor, 100 n., 101 n.

Pynchon, John, of Springfield, 235 n.

Quakers, 28, 66, 85, 92, 93, 96, 96 n., 98, 99, 100, 104, 128, 250;
  first in Pennsylvania, 105 n.;
  relations with Indians, 155-156;
  of West Jersey, 247, 247 n.;
  in London, 290.

Randall's Island, _see_ Barents Islands.

Randolph, Edward, royal agent, 240 n., 274 n.

Raritan, the, 69, 89, 94 n., 149, 160, 161, 224.

Ravesteyn, Paulus van, Bible published by heirs of, 296, 296 n.

_Records of the Court of Assistants_, 269 n.

Reformed religion, followers of, 17;
  ministers, 44 n.-45 n., 45, 63 n.

Reinderman, Kasparus, 171-172, 233.

Renard, Marie, story of, 231-232.

Rensselaer, Jeremias van, 214 n.

Rensselaer, Johannes, 214 n.

Rensselaer, Kiliaen van, 214, 214 n.

Rensselaer, Maria van, visit with, 214;
  mill erected by, 246.

Rensselaer, Richard van, 214, 214 n.

Rensselaer's Hook, 33, 69, 34;
  sketch of, 58, 59, 59 n.;
  proposed visit to, 180.

Rensselaerswyck, pastor at, 44 n., 215 n.;
  mentioned, 185;
  patroonship of, 214, 214 n.;
  colony of, 226, 248.

Rhode Island, 258, 273.

Richmond Creek, 73 n.

Ritschl, _Geschichte des Pietismus_, xxiii n.

Robert, English mate, 28, 39.

Rockall, 277, 277 n., 278, 284.

Rodenburg, Elizabeth, 80 n., 143;
  information concerning, 145, 146;
  book translated for, 170;
  half-sister of, 262 n., 263.

Rodenburgh, Johan van, 145.

Rodenburgh, Lucas, vice-director of Curaçao, 145 n.

Rogers, Bryan, 25, 25 n., 30, 31, 32.

Rombouts, Francis, mayor of New York, 167 n.;
  interview with, 167-169.

Ross, William, silversmith, 260.

Rotterdam, fishing vessel from, 286;
  ship for, 291;
  ferry-boat, 295.

Roxbury, visit to John Eliot at, 263-266, 270-271;
  isthmus connecting, 275, 275 n.

Royalists, defence by, 24 n.

St. Augustine Manor, xix, 110, 112, 112 n.-113 n.

St. Catharine's, 288.

St. Christopher, 66, 66 n.

St. James's Park, 288.

St. Kilda, island, 278, 278 n.

St. Lawrence River, 37, 226.

St. Mawes, castle, 24 n.

St. Peter, village in England, 287.

Salem, N.J., court at, 143.

Salsberry, Mr., plantation of, 117.

Salters, Anna, 105, 105 n., 106, 107.

Sanders, Robert, relations with Labadists, 199, 201, 202, 216, 218;
  information concerning, 199 n.;
  relations with Indians, 200, 206, 212.

Sandford, Capt. William, plantation of, 173 n.

Sandhook, _see_ Newcastle.

Sandy Hook, 33, 34, 35, 51, 183.

Santford, 173.

Sappokanikke (Greenwich), 68, 69, 86, 190, 192, 194, 197, 225.

Sassafras River, 116, 124, 130;
  ducks on, 126;
  view of, 127.

Scanian War, 102, 102 n.

Schaets, Rev. Gideon, 44, 45, 205 n., 215;
  biographical sketch, 44 n., 215 n.;
  son-in-law of, 197, 197 n.

Schaets, Reynier, 210, 210 n.

Schelling, island, 16 n.

Schenectady, 185, 201;
  records of Dutch church at, 204 n.;
  described, 213.

Schevelingh, _or_ Scheveningen, 294, 294 n., 295.

Schiedam, 295.

Schilders, I.J., _see_ Danckaerts, Jasper.

Schotel, _Anna Maria van Schurman_, xiii n., xxix n.

Schurman, Anna Maria van, Schotel's book on, xiii n., xxix n.;
  relations with Labadie, xxii, xxviii, xxx;
  reference to, xxix n.;
  mentioned, 265;
  biographical information concerning, 265 n.

Schutters, _or_ Shooter's, Island, 75, 75 n., 92, 173.

Schuyler, Philip Pieterse, 201 n.

Scot, George, _The Model of the Government of East New Jersey_, 84 n.

Seelt, 9, 15.

Selyns, Rev. Henricus, letters of, xii, 168 n., 236 n.-237 n.

Servants, 111-112, 112 n., 118.

Shelpot, _or_ Schiltpads Kill, 108, 108 n.

Shetland Islands, 279, 284.

Shorne Battery, 292 n.

_Silver Poort-Klock_ (Silver Gate-Bell), book, 38 n.

Simons, Menno, followers of, 9 n.

Sinclair, Robert, 29, 29 n., 36, 39, 41, 80, 81.

Singleton, Thomas, ship-master, 3, 39, 238;
  wife of, 39.

Slangenbergh, _see_ Snakes' Hill.

Slavery, 133, 134, 134 n.

Sluis, in Zeeland, 18, 171, 171 n.

Sluys, Annetje, 251, 297.

Sluyter, Hendrik, xxix, xxx.

Sluyter, Peter, correct form of name, xii-xiii;
  book translated by, xiii, xiii n.;
  conveyance to, xx, 141 n.;
  death of, xx;
  mercenary instincts of, xxiv;
  naturalization of, xxviii n.;
  biographical information, xxix-xxxi, 168, 168 n.;
  illness of, 8, 62, 201, 211;
  references to, in Danckaerts' _Journal_, 11, 26, 27, 44, 46, 50, 59,
    60, 85, 89, 122, 122 n., 125, 126, 138, 158, 169, 170, 175, 181,
    184, 191, 194, 210, 251, 260, 266, 267, 270, 272, 288, 296;
  goes to Najack, 148;
  as physician, 202 n., 221;
  letter concerning religious beliefs of, 236 n.-237 n.;
  letter of, 297.

Smith's Flats, 48-49, 49 n.

Smoker's Hook, 93, 163.

Snake Hill, 82, 92, 173, 224.

Sneek, in Friesland, 296, 297.

Sommelsdyk, Cornelis van, governor of, Surinam, xxviii;
  Labadists and the daughters of, xxiii, xxx.

Sommelsdyk, Isabella van, 295 n.-296 n.

South River, _see_ Delaware River.

Southwold, 286, 286 n.

Sow and Pigs, rocks, 258.

Spademan, Rev. John, 294 n.

Spaniards, in New Netherland, 215, 215 n.

Spaniard's Channel, 13, 13 n.

Spykershof, Susanna, wife of Danckaerts, xxvii-xxviii.

Spyten Duyvel Creek, 64, 65, 67.

Stabley, Mr., plantation of, 124.

Stacey, Mahlon, mill owner, 96 n.

Start Point, 22.

Staten Island, 35, 50, 92;
  description of, 69-70;
  game, 73;
  fish, 73;
  visit to, 162.

Steenwijk, 123, 123 n.

Stiles, _History of Brooklyn_, 58 n.

Stoothoff, Elbert Elbertsen, 59 n., 61, 228.

Stuyvesant, Gov. Petrus, appointment by, xix;
  farm of, 65 n.;
  conquest of New Sweden under, 109, 109 n., 114, 153, 153 n.;
  disagreement with Augustine Herrman, 114.

Surinam, 261, 261 n.;
  Labadist colony in, xxviii, xxviii n., 61 n.

Swadel Rack (Swath Reach), 225.

Swanendael, founding of, 152 n.

Swart, Jacob, _see_ Hellekers, Jacob Swarts.

Swaving, Mr. W.O., aid acknowledged, xxviii.

Swedes, at Tacony, 100;
  houses built by, 101;
  in New Sweden, 109, 152-153;
  dealings with, 142.

Sybrey, Capt. Nathan, 117, 117 n.

Tacony, 100, 148, 150, 151.

Tapoesie, a Swede, 108.

Taylor, or Teller, John, 259-260, 260 n.;
  visits with, 268-270, 271;
  leave taken of, 272.

Tesschenmaker, Rev. Petrus, biographical information, 44 n., 138 n.;
  ministry of, 45, 70, 83, 86, 89, 110, 138, 142, 181, 205 n., 234.

Teunissen van Dykhuis, Jan, 30, 30 n., 52, 59, 60, 61, 62, 170.

Texel, island of, 7, 7 n., 8.;
  description of, 15-16;
  inhabitants of, 17;
  fish, 17.

Texelsdiep, 10, 15, 16.

Thames River, 286, 287.

Thetinga, Labadists at, xxiii, 3 n., 198 n.

Theunis, _see_ Idenszen, Theunis.

Theunis, Theuntje, wife of Jacob Hellekers, 190 n.

Theunissen, Jacob, _or_ Jan, a baker, 170 n., 228.

Three Bohemia Sisters, estate, xix, 112 n.-113 n.

Thyssen, Jannetje, wife of Theunis Idenszen, 190 n.

Tilbury Fort, 292 n.

Tinicum Island, 100, 100 n., 101, 105, 148, 150.

Titus, third mate, 24, 28.

Toedteberg, Miss Emma J., aid acknowledged, xi.

Tower of London, 289, 289 n.

Trenton, 94 n.

Trico, Catalina, 236;
  biographical sketch of, 236 n.

Turks, danger from, 31.

Upland, 100, 104, 105, 106, 147, 150;
  court at, 143.

Urck, 297, 297 n.

Vanderheyden, Matthias, 109 n.

Vander Vin, Hendrick, clerk, 66 n.

_Verheffinge des Geestes_, Labadie, 170, 171, 233.

Versluis, Annetie, _see_ Sluis, Annetje.

Vianen, in South Holland, 121, 121 n.

Vigné, Jean, 47, 47 n., 49, 236 n.

Vineyard Haven, 258 n.

Virginia, maps of, xii, xix;
  coast of, 37; servants in, 111-112;
  boundaries of, 114, 114 n., 115;
  difficulties in reaching, 120;
  oysters, 123;
  early history of, 132, 132 n.-133 n.;
  tobacco raising in, 133;
  lives of planters in, 135;
  climate, 151;
  ship for, 276.

Visscher, N.J., map by, xii.

Vlacke Bos, _see_ Flatbush.

Vlie, 16, 16 n.

Vlieland, island, 16 n.

Vlieter, 8, 8 n.

Vlissingen, 43.

Voetius, Gysbertus, religious doctrine of, 6, 6 n.;
  followers of, 44, 45.

Vorstman, Peter, _see_ Sluyter, Peter.

Vries, David de, settlement of, 152 n.

Vries, Pieter Rudolph de, widow of, 5 n.

Vrooman, Adam, 201, 201 n.

Wade, Robert, 105, 105 n., 106, 107, 142, 143, 147, 148.

Waert, Mr. van, _see_ Ward, Capt. Henry.

Walcheren, 18.

Waldron, Resolved, xix, 66, 66 n., 68.

Walebocht (Wallabout), 235, 235 n., 256.

Walloons, 70.

Waltha House, _see_ Thetinza.

Wappinger's Creek, 231, 231 n.

Ward, Capt. Henry, 116, 116 n.

Ward's Island, _see_ Barents Islands.

Webley, Walter, 68.

Well Bank, 285, 285 n., 286.

Werckhoven, Cornelis van, grant to, 57 n.

West End, 15, 16.

West Friesland, 17, 17 n.

West Indies, 187.

Westminster, 289.

West New Jersey, settlement of, 96 n.;
  historical information concerning, 154 n.;
  Quakers of, 247, 247 n.

Westphalia, 97, 97 n.

White Dolphin, inn, 27.

White Water, 286, 286 n.

Whitehall, London, 288, 289.

Whitestone, 253.

Whiting, sandbank, 20, 20 n.

Wicacoa, Swedish village, 148, 148 n., 150, 151.

Wieuwerd, Labadists at, xxiii, 3 n., 296;
  Danckaerts at, xxviii.

Wight, Isle of, 20, 21.

Wilson, Gen. James Grant, papers by, xvii.

Wolley, Rev. Charles, services held by, 75-76;
  information concerning, 76, 76 n.

Woodbridge, Rev. John, 164 n.

Woodbridge, N.J., 93, 93 n., 164, 164 n.

Woodbridge Creek, 162, 224.

Workum, in Friesland, arrival at, 4, 4 n.

Wouter, Mohawk Indian, story of, 205-212;
  relations with, 234-235, 260.

Wren, Sir Christopher, monument erected by, 289 n.

Wytingh, _see_ Whiting.

Y, river, _see_ Ij.

Yarmouth, 285, 286.

York, James, Duke of, patent of, 45 n., 154, 154 n., 244 n.;
  arms of, 46;
  ship of, 66;
  in New York, 82 n.;
  is seen by Labadists, 291.

Ypeij and Dermout, _Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Hervormde_, xxiii n.

Yvon, Pierre, xxiii, xxix;
  description of Danckaerts' family life by, xxvii-xxviii.

Zeeland Academy of Sciences, manuscript in, xxviii;
  Indian Bible in, 265 n.

Zuider Zee, canal route to the, 3 n.

Zuuren, Rev. Casparus, 45 n.;
  visit from, 228-229;
  biographical information concerning, 228 n.

Zwolle, 43, 190, 190 n.


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